One nation and two contrasting cities whose differences tell the story of Uzbekistan’s DNA. This is what’s entailed by visiting Bukhara and Tashkent, from the golden age of the Mongol and Persian empires to the days of the Soviet regime.
Let’s begin with Bukhara, a city on the famous Silk Road, steeped in over 2,000 years of history. Its madrasas, mosques, turquoise tiles and domes, dating as far back as the 9th century, make it one of the best-preserved medieval cities in Central Asia. Its original urban fabric has been so well maintained that it has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1993. The ancient Persian city served as a major center of Islamic culture for centuries, as evidenced by Lyabi Hauz (meaning “by the pond”), one of its central squares that was once bustling with commercial and religious activity. Shaped like an irregular polygon, it houses the Nadir Divan Begi Madrasa, a complex of low towers, arches, mosaics, and interwoven ornamentation that evokes a sense of stepping back in time. The khanaka (a place of relaxation and reflection for Sufis) near this complex is also named after the vizier Nadir Divan Begi.
Walking west, the distinctive 16th-century domes of Toki Sarrafon shelter one of the city’s must-see bazaars, surrounded by alleyways lined with restaurants, shops, and stalls. You must walk through it to reach the Khoja Kalon Mosque with its splendid minaret and the Khodzha Govkushon Madrasa, whose name alludes to the slaughter of bulls, as the site was a slaughterhouse almost until the 16th century when it was transformed into a madrasa. Equally impressive is Arq, the walled fortress that, in addition to its generous dimensions, is notable for its curved shape, so different from the linear design of the European standard. A few meters away, the Bolo-Hauz Mosque is equally memorable, as its name suggests, translating to “children’s pond,” with its colorful exterior courtyard containing 20 carved wooden columns. The Mausoleum of Ismail Samani, made of baked brick and equally beautiful, is located in a peaceful park just behind this religious monument, and houses the tomb of the founder of the Samanid dynasty.
Bukhara is beautifully illuminated at night, and one of the areas that benefits most from this is Po-i-Kalyan, the city’s most famous landmark and a must-see on any trip, with its spectacular madrasa and equally impressive mosque and minaret. Another domed covered market, Toqi Zargaron, is located nearby. A little further from the center, though a perfectly manageable distance, is the Chor Minor monument, whose splendid and distinctive four minarets represent the four cardinal directions. Built in the 19th century by order of a wealthy Turkmen carpet and horse trader, Caliph Niyazkul Bey, it is one of the city’s most unique sights.
The most striking aspect of all these buildings is that many of them become the venue for the Bukhara Biennial, a major arts event that, every two years, brings the most relevant contemporary artists to this location. The premise is very strict: every element of modernity must be perfectly integrated with local tradition so that the event is neither intrusive nor exclusionary for the local population. Renowned artists such as Subodh Gupta, Antony Gormley, Marina Perez Simão, and Louis Barthélemy have already exhibited their work here. The artists must conceive their works not only with the historical setting in mind but also create them in collaboration with local artisans. Fortunately for these artists, the city is rich in crafts: ceramics, tiles, puppets, textiles, pottery… The 2027 edition will run from September to November, a great time to visit the city because, in addition to the pleasant temperatures that this time of year guarantees visitors, the exciting art event fills the streets day and night with locals and foreigners, yet doesn’t prevent one from getting a sense of what the city is like under normal circumstances.
A unique architectural hybrid
In Tashkent, the country’s capital, the Rakhimovs — ceramic craftspeople who have maintained their family and artistic heritage for seven generations — have for decades run a workshop in a quiet neighborhood in the western part of the city. A seemingly unremarkable street hides a peaceful corner where one can discover the unique character of this type of applied art. It is a profession in Uzbekistan that is strictly passed down from parents to children, with each generation creating its own techniques and motifs to add another link to the chain that allows their legacy to continue.
“First, we learn the basic techniques and roots of this art from our parents and grandparents. Then we focus on creating our own designs, ideally reflecting the times we live in. Finally, we teach the younger generation before they become teenagers, because that’s when their imagination is at its peak. All of this happens in the same place,” explains one of the family members, a father and grandfather of ceramic artists, in the beautiful, light-filled courtyard of Rakhimovs Studio. To one side is the work area, where the creative tools, works in progress, and even those discarded during the trial-and-error process reside. This space, steeped in tradition, also displays the various artistic iterations of this dynasty of creators. Some of these pieces are for sale. But before entering the workshop, you must make an appointment through their website.
The works of some of their ancestors can be found in the State Museum of Applied Art and Handicrafts of Uzbekistan. The building itself is a spectacle in its own right. It is a former palace of a Russian diplomat, decorated inside by some of the finest muralists and woodcarvers. The audio guide included with admission is essential to understanding the story the museum tells. It contains more than 7,000 pieces of folk art created in different regions of Uzbekistan: pottery from Rishtan, traditional costumes and gold embroidery from Bukhara, knives from Chust, and more.
Uzbekistan was part of the Soviet Union until its collapse in 1991. As a result, the capital city is a hybrid that blends with Soviet modernism and brutalism. This is due to the earthquake that struck the city in the 1960s, which necessitated the reconstruction of many of its major structures. In fact, Tashkent is an open-air museum of this type of architecture, unlike any other city in the former Soviet empire.
The people who designed these buildings allowed something unique: breaking the minimalism of Soviet concrete with decorative elements characteristic of Islamic art. One of the greatest examples of this fusion is the People’s Friendship Palace, whose futuristic, screw-shaped elements at the top contrast with the traditional pandzharas, latticework typical of Islamic architecture. This nod to Uzbekistan’s Islamic heritage is even more evident in the State Museum of the History of Uzbekistan.
Another great icon of this architectural fusion is the Hotel Uzbekistan. This enormous building, constructed in the early 1970s, inherits the open-book structure of Moscow’s Cosmos Hotel. But, once again, a gigantic latticework with geometric shapes characteristic of the aesthetic seen in Bukhara (although, in this case, made of concrete) covers the building’s 17 floors. Its function is not merely aesthetic, as this design allows for the management of light and heat within the structure. On its rooftop, as befits a luxury hotel, there is a restaurant and cocktail bar with a large observation deck.
Underground, many of the capital’s metro stations boast interior architecture replete with chandeliers, marble, and colorful carved alabaster, exuding a splendor similar to that of the renowned Moscow Metro. This connection is particularly evident at Kosmonavtlar station, which any visitor will almost inevitably pass through, being one of the most centrally located.
One of the organizations driving change in the country is the Uzbekistan Art and Culture Development Foundation (ACDF), which, in addition to preserving, promoting, and protecting cultural heritage, seeks to place Uzbekistan on the map of modern world art. One of its ambitious projects is the reconstruction of the residential palace of Grand Duke Romanov, commissioned in the late 19th century by Nikolai Konstantinovich Romanov, the grandson of Russian Emperor Nicholas I. Exiled to the Turkestan region by his family, he lived in Tashkent until his death in 1918. He left a positive mark on the city as one of its great patrons of the arts, and fostered its development. For example, he financed the city’s first cinema (Khiva), built irrigation canals, and founded numerous companies. The impressive palace, a clear heir to European architecture, can currently only be admired from the outside; its reopening is not scheduled until 2027.
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El líder de Myanmar y antiguo jefe del Ejército, Min Aung Hlaing, ha vuelto a mover ficha este jueves con un gesto de apariencia conciliadora que, sin embargo, apenas altera el fondo de la crisis política que abrió en 2021 con su golpe de Estado. El recién nombrado presidente civil por un Parlamento dominado por los militares (y tras unas elecciones sin oposición) ha anunciado este jueves una nueva reducción de las condenas de los presos del país, una medida que también se aplicará a Aung San Suu Kyi, la mandataria depuesta en la asonada de hace cinco años, según apuntan fuentes de su entorno citadas por las agencias Reuters y AFP. Además, la exlíder de facto del país será excarcelada tras la conmutación de su pena a arresto domiciliario, según el anuncio del canal MRTV, controlado por los militares.
Un comunicado difundido por la oficina presidencial birmana subraya que “todas las sentencias se han rebajado en un sexto con motivo de una festividad pública”, aunque no se especifica cuál. Un miembro del equipo legal de Suu Kyi calcula que, con esta nueva reducción, a la ganadora del Premio Nobel de la Paz en 1991 le quedan 18 años de prisión, recoge Reuters. Suu Kyi tiene hoy 80 años.
Un representante de la Liga Nacional para la Democracia (LND, el partido con el que Suu Kyi lideró la transición democrática birmana) ha expresado a AFP, también de forma anónima, que, en la práctica, el alcance de la reducción resulta imposible de calibrar con precisión, ya que nadie fuera del círculo militar sabe con certeza cuántos años le quedan por cumplir.
La política y activista birmana —que ya pasó más de 15 años privada de libertad por la anterior junta birmana (1962-2011)— fue condenada en 2021 por diferentes delitos, que van desde corrupción y fraude electoral hasta violación de la ley de secretos de Estado y de las normas sanitarias durante la pandemia.
Todos los juicios se celebraron a puerta cerrada, y distintas organizaciones de derechos humanos han denunciado que los procesos obedecían únicamente al intento de mantenerla alejada del poder. La suma de las penas superó inicialmente las tres décadas de prisión, pero en 2023 recibió un indulto parcial que redujo su condena a 27 años, aunque su situación legal sigue envuelta en opacidad.
Suu Kyi no ha sido vista en público desde diciembre de 2022. Kim Aris, su hijo menor, dijo el pasado febrero que apenas saben de ella, pues “se le niega el acceso a su familia, abogados, médicos y al mundo exterior” y ha denunciado el deterioro de su estado de salud. La agencia AP afirma que la semana pasada circuló que podría ser trasladada a arresto domiciliario como parte del indulto que recibió a mediados de abril, pero esta información no ha sido confirmada por parte del Gobierno.
“Blanqueamiento” del régimen
El anuncio sobre la rebaja de sentencias llega en un momento políticamente sensible. A principios de abril, Min Aung Hlaing formalizó su transición de jefe de la junta a presidente civil tras unos comicios celebrados con la oposición proscrita y organizados únicamente en zonas bajo control castrense. Observadores internacionales calificaron ese proceso como un intento de “blanquear” el régimen militar sin introducir cambios reales en el sistema de poder.
Hace un par de semanas, el mandatario birmano ya decretó una reducción similar de condenas y ordenó la liberación de algunos presos, entre ellos Win Myint, expresidente y estrecho aliado de Suu Kyi. Aquella decisión alimentó las especulaciones sobre una posible flexibilización de la situación de la líder opositora, que, de momento, no se ha materializado.
La antigua Birmania, una nación del Sudeste Asiático que ronda los 55 millones de habitantes, atraviesa desde hace un lustro una profunda crisis marcada por el colapso institucional, el deterioro económico y un conflicto armado interno que ha fragmentado el país, debilitado la autoridad del Estado y agravado la situación humanitaria. Más de 22.000 personas continúan encarceladas por motivos políticos, de acuerdo con la Asociación de Asistencia a Presos Políticos, que monitoriza la situación, mientras que la ONU estima que más de 3,5 millones de personas se han visto obligadas a desplazarse de sus hogares y que más de un tercio de la población necesita ayuda humanitaria.
Gestos calculados
En ese contexto, los indultos parciales y las reducciones de condena se interpretan como gestos calculados para mejorar la imagen internacional del Gobierno, más que como señales de apertura real. La figura de Suu Kyi sigue siendo central en la política birmana, y su encarcelamiento se ha interpretado como un intento deliberado del Ejército de apartarla del tablero y neutralizar su capacidad de movilización e influencia.
Suu Kyi encarnó durante dos décadas la resistencia democrática frente a la dictadura militar que gobernó el país durante medio siglo (1962-2011). Su partido, la LND, arrasó en las elecciones de 2015 y la situó al frente del Gobierno en 2016 como consejera de Estado.
En noviembre de 2020 revalidó su victoria en las urnas, pero apenas tres meses después, el 1 de febrero de 2021, el Ejército denunció un supuesto fraude electoral y perpetró el golpe de Estado que la devolvió a prisión junto a otros dirigentes. Su detención provocó que cientos de miles de personas salieran a las calles de Myanmar, unas protestas masivas que fueron respondidas con una represión violenta que dejó miles de detenidos y empujó a parte del movimiento prodemocrático a reorganizarse en la clandestinidad y, en algunos casos, incluso a tomar las armas.