In September 2024, three Irish citizens arrived in the Bolivian Amazon city of Beni posing as Hindu monks. Dressed in orange robes, they presented themselves as protectors of nature, expressing concern over the wildfires that had destroyed more than 10 million hectares the previous year in the Chiquitanía and the Amazon regions. They settled in the municipality of Exaltación, where they offered free yoga therapy and meditation sessions to both urban and rural residents.
A few weeks later, another 17 individuals — of Indian and Chinese origin— followed, entering the community with herbal remedies and promises of food aid. Their strategy, as self-proclaimed delegates of a so-called nation called Kailasa, was to win the trust of locals. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, they were signing lease agreements with leaders of three villages for nearly half a million hectares — an expanse almost five times the size of Bogotá — for just under $200,000.
“The community is upset because their goodwill was taken advantage of. They had been offered medicines and health support, but at no point were they informed about leasing or donating their land,” Justo Molina, president of the Confederation of Indigenous Peoples of Eastern Bolivia CIDOB, tells EL PAÍS.
The organization CIDOB brings together 34 Indigenous groups living in the Chaco and Amazon regions in Bolivia, including the Baure, Cayubaba, and Esse Ejja nations. These were the three nations where the alleged members of the fictitious Kailasa sought to settle and exploit resources, in exchange for preserving endemic biodiversity and land rental agreements that included offers of up to $108,000 annually.
The members of the religious sect, who were detained and later deported from Bolivia on March 24 to Ireland, the United States, China, and Sweden, presented themselves to some Indigenous leaders as ambassadors of Kailasa, the world’s first “sovereign Hindu nation.” They claimed that their homeland had been “lost among the waves of the Indian Ocean, due to the ravages of catastrophic climate change.”
The members said they were victims of political and religious persecution, but insisted this had not stopped them from forming their own constitution, issuing passports and printing currency. In reality, their leader, Nithyananda Paramashivam, is known internationally as a conman and is a fugitive from Indian authorities on charges of violence, torture, and child abuse.
Bolivia was not the only country where they tried to deceive people. Individuals identifying as representatives of Kailasa participated in two sessions at the United Nations in Geneva and were photographed with U.S. congresspeople and senators from other countries.
Before entering Bolivia, the group attempted a similar scheme in Paraguay and Ecuador in 2023. In Paraguay, the Minister of Agriculture and Livestock, Arnaldo Chamorro, was dismissed after signing a diplomatic agreement with the United States of Kailasa. In Ecuador, they held a meeting with then-Environment Minister, Sade Fritschi Naranjo.
“In Bolivia, they changed their strategy a bit and didn’t approach the authorities — instead, they went directly to the Indigenous communities. Unfortunately, they sweet-talked them with annual contracts ranging from $60,000 to $100,000,” says local journalist Iván Paredes, who investigated the case.
Indigenous leaders in the eye of the storm
The members of the fake nation Kailasa also saw an opportunity in the autonomy that Indigenous communities in Bolivia enjoy over their land, justice systems, and resources, through the framework of the Original Communal Territories (TCOs). This allowed them to negotiate directly with locals without involving higher state authorities. However, according to the Bolivian Constitution, TCOs are collectively owned lands for the exclusive use of the communities that inhabit them, and therefore cannot be transferred.
“How could Indigenous leaders fall into this trap? With these agreements, they not only attacked their own people but also violated the sovereignty of the Bolivian state. They have no legal authority to lease or transfer these lands, and by doing so, they have committed illegal acts that must be investigated by the proper authorities,” stated Congresswoman María René Álvarez in a Facebook post in March. The lawmaker launched an investigation later that month, along with the Beni Department Prosecutor’s Office, against the Indigenous signatories for “land trafficking.”
The contracts negotiated with representatives from the three Indigenous nations were signed between October and November of last year. The document concerning the Cayubaba people offered Kailasa members not only “full sovereignty and autonomy within the territory to establish their administrative, legal, and economic systems” but also full control over the airspace and any resources “above or below the ground.” In exchange, they would receive an annual payment of $55,800 and a promise to preserve the environment.
In the case of the Baure people, one of the leaders who agreed to the contract, Pedro Guasico Durán, reportedly threatened a journalist from the national outlet El Deber after she revealed details of the agreement, which offered $108,000 in exchange for land, according to the reporter’s account. For the Esse Ejja territory, an offer of $28,107 was allegedly made.
Despite repeated attempts by EL PAÍS to contact the leaders who signed the contracts, they declined to comment. “These leaders are now outside the TCO; they’ve vanished, and the community is furious. They want to apply community justice. It’s a bit dangerous for them to stay,” says Molina, from CIDOB. “It’s unacceptable that our own brothers and sisters are handing over our lands — lands we fought so hard for against the state. And to make it worse, in our name.”
Molina says that he had also been contacted by Kailasa “ambassadors,” but never met with them. Nonetheless, members of the group were present at CIDOB’s anniversary event last October, where Bolivian President Luis Arce was photographed alongside one of their members.
At the end of March, the Esse Ejja people issued a collective statement expressing regret that some of their representatives had signed the document. “Our nation was caught off guard, pressured, and manipulated by this group, which acted in bad faith, presenting itself with a misleading and confusing message, and taking advantage of our hospitality and good faith as a people.”
However, they defended their leaders, stating they had made a mistake “from a position of vulnerability, in the face of a proposal that was not fully understood, and in a context where material need was used as a tool of pressure.”
Politicization of Indigenous organizations
The Kailasa case is yet another example of how defenseless Indigenous communities are in the face of encroachment on their lands — whether by mining operations or illegal logging. “There is no full state presence in our territories. The needs are great, and that makes us vulnerable to all kinds of fraudsters. Sometimes, it’s our own Indigenous brothers and sisters who are involved in this land trafficking,” says Molina.
Adding another layer to the issue of Indigenous land rights is the deep politicization that has taken hold within the organizations and unions that administer and represent these communities. As a result, two parallel CIDOBs have been formed: one supported by the ruling party and the other by the opposition. Each sends its own delegates to the Latin American regional body, the Coordinator of Indigenous Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA), and each partially represents their territories.
Last Wednesday, India’s Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal distanced the country from Kailasa in a press conference: “As far as the issue of fake guru is concerned, he is a private person. He speaks for himself.”
Meanwhile, Bolivia’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement on March 21 clarifying that it holds no diplomatic relations with the fictitious nation.
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John Paul II was a Pope who was a great fan of cinema, who even worked in a theater company in Nazi-occupied Poland and wrote three plays (later adapted into films). Francis was a Pope who loved film and television, and who understood how to spread his message through the screen. Whether in fiction or factual documentary, Jorge Mario Bergoglio starred in the following productions:
‘Francis: Pray for me’ (2015)
Director Beda Docampo Feijóo (born in Spain, but Argentinian, as his family emigrated when he was just a few months old) cast Darío Grandinetti as the Pope shortly after the start of his papacy (he was elected on March 13, 2013). In reality, through the eyes of a Spanish journalist, played by Silvia Abascal, who is writing a report on Francis, the audience is taken through Bergoglio’s entire life (and thus he is played by three actors of different ages). Francis: Father Jorge offers a somewhat stiff portrait. Available on DVD, but not on streaming platforms.
‘Call Me Francis’ (2015)
Another work that attempts to get closer to the Pope before he was appointed Bishop of Rome. An Italian production, although with a mostly Argentinian cast, it was directed by a capable Daniele Luchetti (My Brother is an Only Child). The film version, at just over 90 minutes long, was screened in a Vatican theater in 2015. The other version, the four-hour miniseries (Chiamatemi Francesco), covers 52 years of Francis’ life, from 1961 to his election in 2013, and was released in 2016. As a young man, he is played by Rodrigo de la Serna (who takes up most of the film); as an adult, by Sergio Hernández. The film is available on Tivify, and in Latin America on Netflix.
‘Pope Francis: A Man of His Word’ (2018)
Wim Wenders premiered his film at the Cannes Film Festival, where the German director joked that the protagonist wouldn’t attend the event “because it’s Sunday and he’s working.” The documentary is essentially a hagiography in which the viewer accompanies the Pope on his travels, with images interspersed with interviews Wenders conducted with the Pontiff to elicit his opinions. For the most controversial topics, the filmmaker uses a conversation with Bergoglio on the papal plane during one of his trips. Francis is a good protagonist: he knows how to speak to the camera, is convincing and elegant in his speeches, quotes Dostoevsky, jokes with his audiences, and cries out against the mistreatment of nature and the prevailing economy, which pushes many human beings to the margins of society. Available on Apple TV and Prime Video.
‘The Two Popes’ (2019)
Jonathan Pryce, as Pope Francis in ‘The Two Popes’
In the history of the Catholic Church, there had never been cohabitation between a retired Pope and a sitting one, a fascinating process that Fernando Meirelles recounted in The Two Popes with Jonathan Pryce as Francis and Anthony Hopkins as Benedict XVI. The script is the work of Anthony McCarten, an expert in biographical film stories, and he succeeds when he launches into fictionalizing the conversations. The two actors and the script were nominated for an Oscar. Pryce was chosen for his undeniable resemblance; and the film was titled The Pope until Hopkins was cast and his agent imposed the change. Available on Netflix.
‘Francesco’ (2020)
Russian documentary filmmaker Evgeny Afineevsky (who has made two excellent films on the wars in Ukraine and Syria) explored the figure of Francis through his messages on controversial topics, using all kinds of archival materials. For those convinced of the cause. Available on Apple TV.
‘Stories of a Generation with Pope Francis’ (2021)
A four-part series filmed with people over 70 in front of the camera. It features a diverse cast of unknown faces, from a Nigerian artist, a South African photographer, and a Vietnamese shoemaker, to Martin Scorsese, Jane Goodall, and, of course, Pope Francis, who hovers over the entire film. Their reflections cover love, life’s struggles, work, and dreams both fulfilled and yet to be fulfilled. Available on Netflix.
‘The Letter: A Message for our Earth’ (2022)
Produced by YouTube Originals,and therefore accessible in its entirety on the platform, this documentary by Nick Brown (an expert in nature films) describes Francis’ encounters with various people directly affected by the climate crisis. The encyclical Laudato Siis set in the background. Available on YouTube.
‘In Viaggio, Traveling with Pope Francis’ (2022)
Star Italian documentary filmmaker Gianfranco Rosi accompanied the Pope on several of his trips to complete a portrait of a Pontiff who visited 53 countries in his first nine years in office. The film was nominated for a David di Donatello, the Academy of Italian Cinema’s annual awards. Available on Apple TV.
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With the death of Pope Francis, people in Rome are already beginning to think about his successor. These are frenetic and uncertain days in the Vatican — a time of mixed grief and the urgency of thinking about the future, all set against an extraordinarily complex global backdrop and within a deeply divided Church. The first congregation of cardinals — the assembly that convenes after the death of the Pontiff — will take place this Tuesday with those already in Rome. This marks the beginning of both formal and informal discussions among them as they search for a new Pope.
Early lists of potential papal candidates are already circulating, both within Vatican circles and in the Italian and international media. These lists are part of the maneuvers underway to promote certain names. These are usually confusing days, where rumors abound, but what stands out so far is that the Italian press has remained notably silent on the subject — something that was commonplace during the final years of John Paul II. This silence reflects the deep uncertainty about the direction the Church may now take in what will be a conclave more numerous and international than ever before: 135 cardinals from 71 countries, compared to 115 electors in 2005 and 2013 from 52 and 48 countries, respectively. In other words, the Sistine Chapel will be filled with unfamiliar faces, both outside the doors and within, and some of them do not even speak Italian.
Strong internal division makes the situation even more challenging. As has always been the case, a reformist faction of the Church, more aligned with Pope Francis, seeks to continue his path, while a more conservative faction, which has fiercely opposed his decisions in recent years, aims for a retreat. Given the intensity of this clash in recent years, there is now a real concern within the Holy See about something that did not exist in previous conclaves — at least not on this scale: disinformation campaigns and fake news designed to influence the election of the Pope, with hoaxes spreading on social media, aiming to discredit candidates who are undesirable to certain sectors. This will be something to watch in the coming days.
The task of shifting votes and organizing the conclave typically falls to the so-called “great electors” — cardinals who do not expect to be elected themselves but who gather support and are respected figures who can steer the trends. On the conservative side, there are figures such as Timothy Dolan, Archbishop of New York, and the former Prefect of the Doctrine of the Faith, Gerhard Ludwig Müller.
On the more progressive side, there are influential cardinals close to Pope Francis, such as Jean-Claude Hollerich of Luxembourg, the general rapporteur of the Synod. However, at 66, Hollerich is considered too young, as it would likely result in a pontificate that could last for many years. Another prominent figure is the Canadian Michael Czerny, Prefect of the Dicastery for Promoting Integral Human Development, who is a Jesuit. However, it seems unlikely that the Church will choose another pope from this order.
The key factor to remember is that 90 votes — two-thirds of the 135 cardinals entering the conclave — are required to elect the new pope. A faction with some support isn’t enough; it must be a truly consensual decision. Many who disagree must be convinced of a shared vision, where strength and personal magnetism also play a role. However, unlike previous conclaves, there are no clear frontrunners, and this one is expected to be more laborious and prolonged.
In 2005, with four votes, and in 2013, with five, the process lasted only 24 hours. This time, it could resemble the conclave of October 1978, which took eight votes and resulted in the election of an unknown, John Paul II. It is likely that surprises will emerge once again. Pope Francis has certainly structured this conclave to encourage such outcomes. He has appointed 79% of the cardinals, often selecting lesser-known figures — profiles that reflect the Church he has sought to shape: one that is closer to the people and the margins of society.
At present, it is possible to draw up a list of at least 15 potential papal candidates. To begin with, despite this being a conclave that is no longer Eurocentric, the belief that the pope must come from Italy still persists, as it has for centuries, though much of the Church finds it impossible to return to that tradition. Italy boasts the largest group of cardinals, 17 in total, and this carries weight.
Three Italian cardinals are currently being mentioned as possible contenders. One of them is Pietro Parolin, 70, the current Secretary of State. This position is typically associated with papal candidates due to the experience it offers in governance and as a symbol of continuity — if that is the goal, rather than a change. However, despite his experience, Parolin has little pastoral experience and has alienated some sectors due to the balancing act he has had to navigate in recent years.
The second Italian in the running is Matteo Zuppi, 69, Archbishop of Bologna and president of the Italian bishops’ conference. He is aligned with Pope Francis and is a member of the Sant’Egidio community, known for its work in international conflict mediation and its strong social vocation. Another contender is the Patriarch of the Holy Land, the Franciscan Pierbattista Pizzaballa. Well-known in the media for his role in the Middle East, Pizzaballa is highly regarded, but he faces a disadvantage due to his age — 59 — at a time when a transitional solution might be preferred.
Another name that has frequently emerged in recent years — he was a papal candidate in 2013 — is 67-year-old Filipino Luis Antonio Gokim Tagle, whose mother is Chinese. He would be the first Asian pope, a possible option if Francis, the first pontiff from the Americas, is to be followed by a pope from outside the Western hemisphere. However, his popularity has waned due to his controversial management of the charity organization Caritas International.
In Asia, two other names often come up. The first is Charles Bo, Archbishop of Yangon in Myanmar. Bo is distinguished for his defense of human rights in a country under military rule and has presided over the Federation of Asian Episcopal Conferences for the past six years.
The second potential candidate is Malcolm Ranjith from Sri Lanka, Archbishop of Colombo, who previously served as secretary of the Congregation for Divine Worship. At 77, Ranjith brings a wealth of experience, making him a candidate for a short papacy — potentially serving as a temporary counterbalance to Pope Francis. He is considered part of the more traditionalist camp, which could hinder consensus.
The same applies to another frequently mentioned name, Robert Sarah of Guinea, who has openly clashed with Pope Francis in recent years, positioning himself further on the conservative side.
The most frequently discussed African candidate is Fridolin Ambongo Besungu, Archbishop of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. A Franciscan, Ambongo is well-regarded by conservatives and has led the opposition to the blessing of same-sex unions.
After Pope Francis became the first pontiff from the Americas, there have not been many standout names in the continent. However, one candidate who straddles both halves of the continent is Robert Francis Prevost, 69, Prefect of the Congregation for Bishops. He is American but has spent nearly his entire life in Peru. His candidacy would send a strong signal in facing the complex challenges of the Donald Trump era, particularly as the U.S. Church is at odds with him. The ultraconservative movement in the United States is eager to politically co-opt the Christian message, framing it as a crusade between good and evil.
Following the election of Pope Francis, the first non-European pope since Gregory III (who was born in Syria in the 8th century), leaving Europe now appears to be a clear direction. However, there are still candidates from the Old Continent. The most unusual among them is Anders Arborelius, 75, Bishop of Stockholm. A Carmelite who was raised Lutheran and later converted to Catholicism, he combines social openness with pastoral rigor. Another potential candidate is Peter Erdo, 72, Archbishop of Budapest. Born under Communism, he is a cultured man and a leading figure in the conservative camp in recent years.
Also in the running is Jean-Marc Aveline, 66, Archbishop of Marseille. A seasoned bishop with a strong presence among the socially underprivileged, a group emphasized by Pope Francis, Aveline is an expert in interreligious dialogue. However, his age suggests that he could serve a lengthy papacy.
On the conservative side, one respected figure is Willem Jacobus Eijk, 71, Archbishop of Utrecht, who remains faithful to the line of Benedict XVI. Another candidate is José Tolentino de Mendonça, a 66-year-old Portuguese cardinal. Prefect of the Dicastery for Culture and Education, a poet and theologian, he has been steadily rising within the Curia and is known for his intellectual approach, his attention to the poor, and his connection to Africa — having spent his childhood in Angola. Finally, Mario Grech, 68, from Malta, has served as Pope Francis’s right-hand man in the synodal process as Secretary General.
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Last weekend, immigration attorney Liudmila Armas Marcelo spent her time not just listening to — but above all, calming — many of her desperate clients who had received orders to leave the United States within seven days. Her phone rang nonstop. On the other end were people on the brink of a breakdown. One client’s blood pressure skyrocketed. Another’s son, who suffers from health issues, was severely affected. “People panicked,” Marcelo recalls.
On April 11, she received the same email that had been landing in the inboxes of over 936,500 people who entered the U.S. since January 2023 via the CBP One appointment system — a tool introduced by the Biden administration to help manage the migration crisis at the southern border. It’s a message that could rattle anyone — citizen or not — with a tone Marcelo describes as “very aggressive and very frightening.”
The DHS email, obtained by EL PAÍS, begins with a blunt message: “It is time for you to leave the United States.” It goes on to say that the department is exercising its discretion to terminate the parole previously granted — along with any associated government benefits, such as a work permit. The letter warns that failing to comply could lead to “potential law enforcement actions that will result in your removal.” In another line, the threat is even more explicit: “Do not attempt to remain in the United States — the federal government will find you.”
The email began arriving in inboxes in early April — often in the middle of the night, at 2 a.m., 3 a.m. and 4 a.m. Some recipients saw it immediately; others found it when they woke up.
Marcelo says she wasn’t alarmed when she received the email because she is a naturalized Cuban, and immediately thought it could be “a mistake.” She later learned that the message had reached not only other citizens like her, it had also been sent to permanent residents, individuals in the process of regularizing their immigration status, and even to people who had never entered the U.S. through the CBP One system — individuals who remained in Mexico after the Trump administration disabled the app on its very first day in office.
Adriana and Luis, two 29-year-old Cuban residents of Odessa, Texas, arrived in the United States through CBP One in November 2023. Like many others, they received the same message that landed in attorney Marcelo’s inbox. Adriana saw it in the early hours of April 11; Luis, the night before. Both were frightened, but something about it felt off. Adriana is currently awaiting her green card after applying under the Cuban Adjustment Act, which grants legal status to Cubans living in the U.S., while Luis has been a permanent resident for several months.
“I was worried that it could have been a system error,” says Luis. Amid the uncertainty, they immediately contacted their lawyer. “I emailed her, and she cleared up my doubts,” adds Adriana. “Seeing that it has reached people who are even citizens has put my mind at ease.”
But Marcelo believes that arbitrarily sending the email to so many people has already caused serious harm and is “unforgivable.” “They didn’t bother to determine who the person was, whether they actually entered the United States, whether they are in the country illegally or are already residents,” she says. “I’m waiting for an explanation from the [government], but so far nothing has come. I don’t know if they’re waiting for some people to panic and leave.”
The ‘mistakes’ that the Trump administration won’t fix
The Donald Trump administration is making alleged “mistakes” that are already taking their toll on the country’s migrant community. Throughout his campaign, Trump promised to purge the country of “criminals,” yet many of those detained or deported under his policies had no criminal records.
Perhaps the most well-known case is that of Kilmar Abrego García, a 29-year-old Salvadoran deported to El Salvador’s notorious Cecot mega-prison. He was deported with more than 230 other men allegedly tied to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua and the Salvadoran group MS-13 — but his family say he has no connection to the gangs.
Now, the email instructing thousands of migrants who entered the U.S. via the CBP One app to leave the country represents yet another “failure” of the system — another action by the administration that violates “due process.” Attorney Marcelo is certain that, as the months go by, “we’ll begin to see more and more cases where due process may have been violated. That’s what happens when there’s this lack of responsibility and negligence,” she says.
The lawyer argues that it’s clear the government is operating in a highly disorganized manner in its push to deport millions of undocumented immigrants. Or worse, that it hopes migrants will take the initiative to self-deport using CBP One’s counterpart, the CBP Home app, which allows individuals to voluntarily report their departure from the country — though the supposed benefits of using it remain unclear to both migrants and their attorneys.
Other lawyers like Marcelo received notices to leave the United States simply because they had registered accounts with U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to monitor their clients’ cases. “They didn’t even bother to check who had actually entered through CBP One or which emails were professional, belonging to a lawyer. That’s why I see a lack of seriousness in how this was handled,” she says.
As if that weren’t enough, Marcelo insists the government also failed to properly identify the recipients in the messages. “How can anyone be sure the email was really meant for them and not just a system error?” she asks. “They’re not concerned about people’s peace of mind; on the contrary, they’re contributing to a level of fear and panic that many have no reason to feel.”
Self-deport or stay?
A week after the DHS emails were sent, the government began revoking I-94 entry permits for those who arrived through CBP One, stripping them of their legal status in the U.S. and invalidating the work permits they had been granted. The fear has left many wondering what to do next: self-deport, as the email urges, or stay put and wait.
Marcelo strongly advises against leaving the country, especially for those with pending immigration court cases. “If people start leaving, that doesn’t count as voluntary departure, and when the court arrives and the judge asks for the person, he or she will immediately issue a deportation order in absentia,” she explains.
The attorney believes that what’s happening with CBP One beneficiaries could foreshadow similar outcomes for other programs like Temporary Protected Status (TPS) or humanitarian parole, which the government attempted to suspend, a move that was blocked by the courts.
“The same thing is going to happen, because these are programs that, in their context, were created to regulate entry into the country. You can’t say now that the program is illegal and all the existing ones are illegal, because you’re retroactively punishing the person,” says Marcelo.
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