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Putin, Trump, And Zelenskiy: Three Incompatible Speeds For Negotiating Peace

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No one wants the war in Ukraine to last 100 years, said renowned American political scientist George Friedman at a conference in Kyiv on October 16. But the protagonists are racing at different speeds to end it. Speeds that are incompatible.

Russian President Vladimir Putin has demonstrated that he has the upper hand in the diplomatic arena. The postponement of the summit that U.S. President Donald Trump announced with Putin in Budapest for this October is the latest example of Russia’s strategy: to bog down negotiations and maintain a long-term conflict that is primarily about attrition on the battlefield.

Trump’s strategy is to end the conflict at all costs and claim credit for what he considers to be the ninth war — according to his personal count — in which he has successfully intervened as a mediator. But the Kremlin made it clear that the possible meeting in Hungary requires more preparatory work. The Republican admitted Tuesday that his rush to stage the summit had clashed with Moscow’s maximalist proposals, and that he, too, does not want “a useless meeting.” The U.S. leader confirmed Thursday that he was canceling the summit but hopes to hold it in the future.

The White House’s expected preparatory meeting this week between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov was also postponed. Lavrov reiterated Tuesday that Russia is not in favor of a ceasefire because it “would not bring lasting peace” and because it “would leave a vast part of Ukraine under the control of a Nazi regime.” Kremlin propaganda portrays Ukraine as a country controlled by a neo-fascist elite. Russia’s constitution unilaterally included the Ukrainian provinces of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, and Zaporizhzhia as part of its federation in 2022. It illegally annexed the Crimean peninsula in 2014.

Trump’s interests have not only clashed with Putin’s, but also with those of Ukrainian leader Volodymyr Zelenskiy. The Republican has demonstrated that any option that aims to end the war as quickly as possible is valid, whether it favors Moscow’s position (that Ukraine surrender sovereignty over the occupied territories) or Kyiv’s (that an unconditional ceasefire be declared before any negotiations).

Last Friday, Trump pressured Zelenskiy at the White House to agree to negotiate the distribution of territories. That same day, the leaders of the major European powers came to Ukraine’s aid in public statements. The European stance materialized this Tuesday in a statement in which the major EU states and the United Kingdom asked Trump to support the need to freeze the front lines with a ceasefire before Ukraine and Russia sit down to negotiate peace: “We strongly support President Trump’s position that the fighting should stop immediately, and that the current line of contact should be the starting point of negotiations,” the statement said.

European alignment with Kyiv will be reaffirmed this Thursday in Brussels, where Zelenskiy will participate in the European Council meeting, and on Friday, at a summit of Ukraine’s military allies in London.

An engine with less horsepower

Zelenskiy is aware that the Ukrainian military engine has less horsepower than Moscow’s; that is, fewer resources to fight. That’s why he’s been repeating for months that the war should be halted before the end of the year. The Armed Forces of Ukraine have heroically managed to limit the Russian advance, but that advance continues. The Ukrainian arms industry has increased its production almost tenfold during the war, as Volodymyr Vlasiuk, an economist and government advisor, explained to a group of journalists last week. But this is not enough to resist, which is why European and American support is essential, especially with more technologically advanced weapons and anti-aircraft systems.

The problem is that this assistance is faltering, especially due to Trump’s policy of cutting off all military aid to Ukraine unless it is first purchased by NATO allies. This has meant that monthly arms transfers to the Ukrainian army have fallen by 43% compared to the first half of the year. The White House also refuses to provide Kyiv with long-range Tomahawk missiles, arguing that it would be an unnecessary escalation of tensions with Moscow.

Something similar happened last August when Trump received Putin with full honors in Alaska, convinced that the summit would be a decisive step toward peace. At that meeting, the Russian autocrat managed to halt U.S. plans to impose new sanctions on the Russian economy, promised Trump bilateral trade agreements, and reset the clock on ending the war.

This Washington appeasement strategy is incompatible with Ukraine’s position, which believes peace is only possible if it is given much stronger defense guarantees than those obtained so far, such as the Tomahawk missiles. One of Trump’s campaign promises in the 2024 presidential election was to end aid to Kyiv, considering it wasteful.

Sanctions against Russia

In Trump’s unpredictable logic of abruptly moving closer to or further away from one side or the other, U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent announced Wednesday night that the White House would impose new sanctions against Russia, the first under the Republican presidency. Trump, in an appearance alongside NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, confirmed that his administration, after months of waiting, will finally introduce sanctions against the Russian oil industry, the main source of income for the Kremlin’s war machine. “Every time I speak to Vladimir, I have good conversations and then they don’t go anywhere,” Trump explained.

“I hope Putin will be reasonable. Hopefully, Zelenskiy will be reasonable, too. You know, it takes two to tango, as they say,” Trump added. “These two people hate each other.”

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov insisted Wednesday that Putin wants to hold the summit with Trump in Hungary, but that the meeting requires more time to prepare. Peskov asserted that both Kyiv and European powers are trying to “interfere” with the U.S. position to derail the meeting.

“I have serious doubts that the Budapest meeting will actually take place, as it would not bring us any closer to peace,” Oleksandr Merezhko, chairman of the Ukrainian parliament’s foreign affairs committee, told the Telegraf newspaper. “Putin will never accept the possibility of a ceasefire because it gives Ukraine a chance to survive and develop. He will only accept our capitulation.”

Despite Kyiv’s desire for Trump to distance himself from Putin, prominent Ukrainian analysts also assume that a new summit between the Russian and American leaders will eventually occur. “My intuition tells me that Trump’s next meeting with Putin will take place, either in Budapest or somewhere else,” Volodymyr Gorbach, director of the Institute for the Transformation of North Eurasia, wrote in an analysis on Tuesday. “Putin understands and feels that Trump needs him much more than he needs Trump. That is why he negotiates, bargains, dodges him again and again, and, just by doing this, he is buying time.”

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A Hungarian Spy Scandal In Brussels Implicates Viktor Orbán’s EU Commissioner

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Brussels is a city teeming with spies. Russians, Iranians, Israelis, Chinese… They all move about, seeking information within European institutions and NATO, or to obtain intelligence from the hundreds of organizations headquartered in the Belgian capital. Now, a European espionage scandal has rocked the EU and diplomatic circles in Brussels. The European Commission is investigating whether the Hungarian intelligence services worked to recruit a network of spies among European officials. And, above all, whether its current Commissioner for Health and Consumer Affairs, the Hungarian Olivér Várhelyi, was aware of the activities of this network.

Investigators will have to determine whether this network used intelligence agents under diplomatic cover as employees of the Hungarian Permanent Representation to the EU when Várhelyi was its ambassador. The objective would have been to obtain classified documents and sensitive information of interest to the government of nationalist-populist Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who is embroiled in a long-standing dispute with the EU.

The accusations, uncovered by the Hungarian investigative media outlet Direkt36 in collaboration with Belgian and German media, span from 2012 to at least 2018. They focus on Hungary’s representation to the EU, which Várhelyi headed from 2015 to 2019, when he became a European Commissioner (the first for Enlargement and Neighbourhood) and thus secured a significant position within the EU institutions.

The Hungarian government has denied all the accusations, calling them part of a “smear campaign.” But the fact remains that an internal European Commission security team is investigating the case, which EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has taken very seriously. The chief of the EU executive has summoned the Hungarian commissioner, who, for years, has also been, as a good representative of Hungary, the most troublesome commissioner. “The President asked the commissioner if he was aware of the recruitment attempts by Hungarian intelligence services targeting EU staff while he was at the Permanent Representation in Hungary. The commissioner said he was not aware,” a Commission spokesperson reported.

The case has revealed the workings of Hungary’s espionage machinery within the EU, which are sometimes quite clumsy. Direkt36 and its investigative partners recount how agent V., now a lieutenant colonel working in Budapest who in 2015 operated under diplomatic cover in Brussels, contacted Hungarian European officials to try to recruit them as informants.

V., who reported directly to Várhelyi, according to his duties at the diplomatic mission, liked to meet with his potential agents in a Brussels park. “He was a very friendly and intelligent man. I already knew then that he was a Hungarian intelligence officer and that his diplomatic post was just a cover,” one of the affected EU employees told Direkt36.

What he didn’t know was that V. wanted to recruit him. But he tried. And since the spy knew the official wasn’t particularly interested in money, he offered to support one of the organizations that his target collaborated with, and presented him with a contract to sign. The official, uncomfortable, rejected the offer.

Or take the case of E., who arrived as a liaison for the Hungarian intelligence services in Brussels, and who liked to summon European officials to Budapest. “We are both Hungarian, working for the same goals,” he even told a European Commission employee. This official mentioned it to another Hungarian working for the European Commission, and learned that E. had also approached him. Shortly afterward, both were surprised to learn that the Hungarian spy had gone on to work within the European institutions as one of the national experts on secondment. The officials wrote a letter to the Commission’s security department, but nothing was done.

Obtaining information through conversation is legal. But if a diplomat pays for it or gets someone to sign a document (as E. and V. intended to do), they are violating the Geneva Convention, which governs diplomatic relations. “We all assume that countries have spy networks, but for a friendly, allied country to do it is, to say the least, distasteful. And, depending on the case, it can be serious,” says an intelligence source from a European country. “Spying among friends is unacceptable,” Angela Merkel, then Chancellor of Germany, told U.S. President Barack Obama in 2013, after these practices by Washington came to light.

For years, Hungary has not been a friend of Brussels. The government of the national-populist Orbán, considered the closest country to the Kremlin within the EU, has faced serious conflicts due to its authoritarian drift, control of the media and the judiciary, and violations of the rights of LGBTQ+ people. These policies, which run counter to the rule of law in the EU, have also led to the freezing of its European funds.

Hungary’s position within the EU also means it holds few influential positions in EU institutions. Therefore, agents in Budapest were tasked with gathering information to compensate for this lack of influence, according to Direkt36 and its partners. They were instructed to obtain and transmit confidential information—such as meeting minutes, budget data, and open investigations—and also to influence documents and analyses in favor of the Orbán government.

There are reports that Hungarian agents not only spied on the EU in Brussels, but also placed under surveillance the staff of the European Anti-Fraud Office, which was investigating corruption allegations in Hungary against a company owned by Orbán’s son-in-law that was receiving EU funds.

The Hungarian espionage scandal continues to escalate. Now, a group of at least 60 academics from more than 30 countries have demanded answers from the European Commission. They are calling on Ursula von der Leyen to demand Commissioner Várhelyi’s resignation to safeguard “the integrity of the Commission and maintain public confidence in EU institutions,” and to refer the Hungarian to the Court of Justice to request his mandatory resignation and the corresponding sanctions.

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