Since July 30 and 31, when some 80,000 people entered Ceuta, the streets leading to the Loma Margarita facilities in the western part of the city have become a vivid summary of all the wars, famines, and fundamentalist groups battering the Sahel, the belt of countries stretching from the Sahara to the Red Sea where unimaginable tragedies unfold.

Lying on the sidewalks, staring at their cellphones, or wandering aimlessly, these teenagers pass the hours like soldiers who were spared from having to carry a weapon in Mali. Others fled jihadist groups in Niger, and still others simply ran out of food when armed groups in Burkina Faso doused the entire village’s vegetable gardens with glyphosate to starve them to death. If there is any crisis left without a face, it can be found at the gates of the Temporary Immigrant Shelter (CETI), where more children from Chad, Mauritania, or Sudan spend their days. After many months of hardship, they all sleep in a bed and eat three meals a day.

Loma Margarita is a plateau owned by the Spanish army where huge olive-green tents have been set up to house 1,100 people. After days of chaos for migrants and staff, a measure of order has finally returned to the site, guarded inside by a private security firm and outside by a group of legionnaires.

Clinging to the fence, Abdallah, 21, says that returning to Sudan would mean having to “integrate into an armed group.” His friend, 17, says he left Sudan three months ago but is happy because he will be able to “legalize his situation and tell someone what is happening in his country,” he explains in fluent English. The youngest of the group, 15, has had an infected ankle wound for 25 days. He is reluctant to speak and only shows a photo on his phone of his mother’s cousin living in Madrid wearing a Spain national team shirt. “In Morocco we lived like dogs, but they told us here we would have an interview to get papers. If they take me to Sudan, they would end up killing me,” Abdallah says. Here they not only sleep in a bed, but can charge their phones and treat wounds.

By rough estimates, of the 5,000 young people still roaming the city of Ceuta, between 1,100 and 1,500 are sub-Saharan Africans, housed mainly in two centers. According to the refugee NGO Accem, the police have begun interviews to determine who is eligible to apply for asylum. The first stage of the process, however, took place much earlier when authorities separated, on one hand, women and girls into a safe space to prevent sexual abuse; on another, sub-Saharan Africans into other facilities; and, finally, Moroccans. A couple of Algerians, however, prefer to keep sleeping on the beach because they feel they do not fit into any of the three spaces.

Everyone sleeping at Loma Margarita “are men aged between 18 and 35,” Accem, the organization contracted by the government to manage the situation, says. Most had been waiting in northern Morocco for a chance to cross into Spain when on July 31 they joined the caravan heading to the border. “The police told us to go by sea,” one recalls of that Thursday. It is possible to come and go freely from the Loma Margarita shelter, but during meal shifts the facility’s gates are closed to organize distributions. On El Trampolín beach, Mohamed Camara from Guinea-Conakry waits for the daily food distribution to begin. Camara is from the Siguizin region, known for its gold mines. At just 20, “most of my friends were seized for forced labor in the mines,” he says in French. As of this week, police have his name and he can begin the procedures to apply for asylum.

The Sahel is a semi-arid belt about 3,670 miles long, situated between the Sahara desert and the tropical savannas, from the Atlantic to the Red Sea. The region includes, according to the UN, Senegal, Gambia, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, northern Nigeria and Cameroon, Chad, Sudan, South Sudan and Eritrea — in other words, 400 million inhabitants across 12 countries. The government initially said everyone who entered Spain irregularly would be sent back, but the obligation to process asylum claims and laws regarding the return of minors makes that impossible. In Spain last year a total of 75,275 favorable resolutions for international protection and humanitarian statuses were approved, and applications originating from the Sahel top the lists, with approval rates close to 100%.

On the road that climbs past the equestrian center and leads to the CETI, a young man from Mali passes the time sitting with his back against the wall. Omar’s head rests on his outstretched legs. He doesn’t speak or play with his phone. He just stares into the distance and runs his hand over his companion’s head. Omar and Ahmed recount jihadist kidnappings that make a normal life impossible. After a while, they acknowledge they are a couple, and that is another reason they cannot go back.

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If Ceuta and Melilla weren’t already at the centre of political tension these past few weeks, new remarks made before Morocco’s king and crown prince are likely to deepen questions about where relations between Madrid and Rabat go next.  At a major religious ceremony in the Royal Palace in Rabat, Morocco’s Minister of Islamic Affairs, Ahmed Toufiq, used historical and religious references linked to Ceuta while speaking in the presence of King Mohammed VI, Crown Prince Moulay Hassan, Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch and senior state officials. 

His comments have been widely interpreted as reviving Morocco’s long-standing claims over the two Spanish cities.  The timing is significant. The remarks come less than a month after the mass entry into Ceuta at the end of July and only days after Morocco’s Justice Minister, Abdellatif Ouahbi, referred to Morocco’s “historical and geographical rights” over Ceuta and Melilla. 

Claims raised before Morocco’s highest authorities

Toufiq made the comments during celebrations marking Eid al Mawlid, the commemoration of the birth of the Prophet Mohammed, one of the most important events in the Islamic calendar. During his speech, he referred to two Islamic scholars born in Ceuta before the city came under Spanish sovereignty in 1580. He also spoke about religious works that, according to Moroccan tradition, became symbols of the struggle to liberate “occupied cities” on Morocco’s Atlantic coast. Spanish media and analysts interpreted the references as an indirect claim over Ceuta and Melilla. 

The setting gives the remarks added weight, This was not an interview or an isolated political comment. The speech was delivered in front of Morocco’s monarch, heir to the throne and senior political and military figures during one of the country’s most important religious ceremonies.  That has prompted fresh debate in Spain over whether Morocco is increasing pressure over Ceuta and Melilla through historical, religious and political messaging.

Why it matters to Ceuta and Melilla

For residents of Ceuta and Melilla, sovereignty is not an abstract diplomatic issue. The two cities sit on Europe’s southern border and play a key role in migration, trade and security between Spain, Morocco and the European Union. The issue has become even more sensitive since the mass crossing into Ceuta at the end of July, when more than 70,000 people entered the city in an unprecedented movement that overwhelmed local services and triggered a political crisis in Spain. 

Against that backdrop, statements touching on sovereignty are likely to attract much greater attention than they might have done only a few months ago. Morocco has maintained its claim to Ceuta and Melilla since independence in 1956, while Spain insists that both cities are an integral part of Spanish territory and therefore part of the European Union. The Spanish Government has already rejected recent Moroccan claims “categorically” through diplomatic channels. 

A new phase in the debate?

What makes the latest comments notable is that they come from two Moroccan ministers within days of each other and at a time when relations between Madrid and Rabat are already under intense scrutiny. Justice Minister Ouahbi spoke openly about Morocco’s claims last week. Toufiq’s remarks were more indirect, relying on religious symbolism and historical references rather than direct political demands. 

Whether this represents a coordinated shift in Moroccan messaging it remains unclear. What is clear however is that, after weeks dominated by migration and border security, Ceuta and Melilla are once again at the centre of a debate about sovereignty, identity and the future of relations between Spain and Morocco.