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The Long Road Of El Cid: From Plundering Mercenary To Francoist Legend

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In the 11th century, the Spanish region known today as La Rioja was part of a vast uninhabited area of the Iberian Peninsula that served as a buffer zone between the Christian and Muslim kingdoms. It was a sparsely populated territory, fraught with danger.

In 1092, a Christian mercenary did not hesitate to raze those lands, even though they belonged to King Alfonso VI. “Cruelly and mercilessly, he set fire to all those lands, razing them completely in the most cruel and impious manner. He devastated and destroyed that entire region, carrying out ferocious and inhuman pillage,” states the medieval chronicle Historia Roderici. That implacable warrior was named Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, and he has gone down in history as El Cid. How is it possible that a ruthless mercenary, who sold his services without regard for his employer’s religion, went on to become a legend of Christianity and embraced by the National Catholicism of Franco’s regime?

The medievalist Nora Berend, 59, who teaches at St. Catharine College, Cambridge, has dedicated a book, El Cid. The Life and Afterlife of a Medieval Mercenary to try to explain the abyss that separates the Historia Roderici — the first medieval account of the adventures of El Cid, written in the 12th century — from the famous poem by Manuel Machado that generations of Spaniards had to learn by heart in school (“Through the terrible Castilian steppe / into exile, with twelve of his own / dust, sweat and iron / El Cid rides”).

Other famous iterations include the El Cid myth fed by Franco’s National Catholic Crusade, as well as the Cantar de Mío Cid, a medieval epic poem about which there is hardly any reliable data, but which is widely viewed as marking the beginning of Castilian literature. There is also El Cid by the French playwright Corneille, which revolutionized European theater in the 17th century, and the 1961 film by Anthony Mann starring Charlton Heston and Sofia Loren.

Berend’s book also explores contributions by Ramón Menéndez Pidal, the Spanish scholar who seized upon the figure of El Cid in the 20th century (one might also say that it was the other way around and that the professor was possessed by books of chivalry); the adventurous reconstruction of El Cid by the novelist Arturo Pérez-Reverte in Sidi, and even a photograph of former Spanish conservative prime minister José María Aznar dressed as El Cid, which appeared in this newspaper in 1987. The historian’s work not only describes the historical figure — a subject to which she dedicates the first chapter — but also the long path that goes from history to legend.

“As a first step, it was easy to transform Rodrigo’s story into that of a supposed leader of a Christian war against the Muslims, a transformation that had already taken place in medieval times,” Nora Berend explains via email. “Francoist nationalists then used the distorted past of a ‘crusade’ to liberate Spain from the Muslims, with El Cid as their first leader. Castile’s leadership in the Reconquista was a key element of Francoist ideology, and El Cid was seen as a Castilian patriot. This served as a model for a ‘crusade’ against the Republicans [or, in other words, it transformed the medieval past to serve the Francoist present]. This was part of the strategy to legitimize terror by creating a supposed continuity.”

She continues: “In this way, the nationalist cause was presented as a religious crusade, claiming to continue a medieval ‘Reconquista.’ According to this, the supposed common past of the Spanish people, through which they constructed their identity and the very essence of the Spanish nation, was Christian and nationalist. The Francoist legacy then serves as an inspiration and model for the New Right.”

Félix Rodríguez de la Fuente and Ramón Menéndez Pidal with Charlton Heston on the set of 'El Cid'.

The surprising thing, as Berend explains in her book, is that this metamorphosis began taking place while El Cid was still alive. “Rodrigo’s family, their descendants, and the monks of San Pedro de Cardeña, among others, contributed to the development of the legend that presents him as the savior of Christians sent by God. An unparalleled warrior, never defeated, of firm Christian faith, and faithful vassal of the king, he was a good role model to propagate from the perspective of later kings, so that his legend, largely developed in the monastery of San Pedro de Cardeña, was incorporated into the official histories compiled at the courts of Alfonso X and Sancho IV.

“The monks created the image of a saintly Rodrigo, although the attempt at canonization in 1554 ultimately failed. In all cases, the legend of Rodrigo was transformed according to the needs of the users of the story. These legends became part of literary texts, such as chronicles, romances, chivalric tales and plays, turning Rodrigo into a well-known literary hero in the Iberian Peninsula.”

Although the epic poem Cantar de mío Cid remains a profound mystery, the facts surrounding the life of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar are fairly well documented. He was a medieval warrior, born around the middle of the 11th century, and died in 1099 in Valencia, a territory he had taken control of and which his wife Jimena inherited. He served under King Sancho II and King Alfonso VI, although he was exiled and later served the Muslim kingdom of Zaragoza. As Berend notes, he did not distinguish between friend and foe based on their religious beliefs. But little by little, the legend deepened, and many of his most famous exploits — such as winning a battle after death — although false, have come to be accepted as real.

Statue of El Cid in San Diego (California).

Of particular interest is the episode of the Oath of Santa Gadea, a precursor to the Magna Carta that English nobles wrested from King John “Lackland” in the 13th century and considered a precedent for contemporary democratic rights. According to legend, El Cid forced King Alfonso VI to swear in the Church of Santa Gadea in Burgos that he had nothing to do with the death of his brother Sancho II in order to ascend to the throne. This oath, Berend explains, was considered “a precedent for parliamentary democracy, an emblem of resistance to tyranny, and a symbol of legal controls on monarchical power.” However, everything related to this story is a fabrication. The striking thing is that, if the myth had moved in a different direction, El Cid could have become a myth of the struggle for democracy, not just a symbol for a fascist dictatorship and later for the reactionary right.

The endless debate surrounding the authorship and composition of Cantar de mío Cid reflects the many mysteries that still surround a historical figure about whom, to paraphrase the famous final line from The Man Who Shot Liberty Valance, the legend was printed.

“This is, evidently, a very important text for Castilian literary history,” says the writer. “Its dating and authorship have been highly controversial. What is clear is that the monastery of San Pedro de Cardeña, in Burgos, must have influenced its writing, because the text presents Rodrigo as if he had had important ties to the monastery during his lifetime, when not only do we have no evidence of this, but there is even evidence to the contrary: his donation to San Sebastián de Silos, and the absence of any trace of a donation to San Pedro. It is also evident that the Cantar significantly transformed the historical Rodrigo into a Christian hero, a loyal vassal of the king, and a Castilian patriot. In all these respects, the Cid of the Cantar is not the Rodrigo of history.”

Former Spanish prime minister José María Aznar dressed as El Cid, in an image published in EL PAÍS in 1987, when he was still the regional premier of Castile and León.

The myth of El Cid, like many other moments from the Middle Ages, has taken on increasing importance today, especially for the political far right. Berend explains: “In many European countries, the Middle Ages have traditionally been considered a foundational period, during which the state was born. This in itself is a simplification, but it makes medieval events especially significant, as if modern identity depended on events and ideals from many centuries ago. Over time, many groups have found an affinity with the Middle Ages, attracted by different elements, and not just for political reasons; for example, the Pre-Raphaelites, the circle of 19th-century English artists. Of course, a very selective and distorted view of the Middle Ages is always evoked. I think it’s the supposedly ‘Christian national’ values, the legitimization of violence against those who don’t conform, the idea that a uniform society can be created, that appeals to the right.”

The relationship between national myths and the Middle Ages is by no means exclusive to Spain. France, with Joan of Arc, is one of the many examples that proliferate throughout Europe. In the Balkans, a territory where the past is firmly part of the present, it is especially significant. The Serbian national myth is the Battle of Kosovo, in which, in 1389, Christian troops were defeated by the Ottomans, and the Serbs lost their freedom. It was widely used by Serbian ultranationalism in the 1980s and 1990s. However, as Noel Malcolm explains in Kosovo. A Short History, the documents do not make clear what happened, and there is much evidence that there were Muslims and Christians on both sides.

“There are also parallels with many other places: for example, the Hungarian myth of being the bastion of Christianity contrasts with the historical deeds of several Hungarian military leaders who allied and fought alongside the Ottomans against the Habsburgs.

Other examples are the myths surrounding Joan of Arc in France, which ignore the role of the Burgundians and her own compatriots in her death to instead present history as a struggle against the invaders; or also Alexander Nevsky, where myths inflate and distort his role in the fight against the Germans and eliminate the Mongols’ support for his rise to power. It was the creation of national narratives in later centuries, with clear “enemies” and “heroes,” which overrode the much more complex realities of the medieval past, that produced these parallels.” It is not only in Spain that history has been defeated by legend.

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Welcome To The Most Technologically-Advanced Village In Spain: It Doesn’t Have High-Speed Internet, But There’s A Uranium Plant

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In Spain’s most technologically-advanced village, there are no flying cars or humanoid robots. The mayor plays a Baroque lute. High-speed internet has yet to arrive. Its streets and stone walls – deserted on a recent May afternoon – are decorated with bronze plaques whose inscribed verses are recited by the authors themselves.

A decade ago, here in Juzbado – in the province of Salamanca – the poet Antonio Gamoneda read from one of his works: “There’s black grass on the slopes and purple lilies among the shadows… but what am I doing standing before the abyss?”

A rooster’s cock-a-doodle-doo and a stork’s croaking are the only sounds that can be heard on the streets. However, the Technological Employment Map of Spain, prepared by the Cotec Foundation, indicates that this peaceful community of 189 inhabitants is the Spanish municipality with the highest percentage of workers in the technology sector: more than 91%. So where are they?

The musicologist Fernando Rubio has been winning local elections for almost two decades. He recalls that when he first took office as mayor, he began receiving confusing calls at City Hall.

“Hello, I’m calling from Juzbado.”

“No you’re not, you’re calling from the factory,” he would reply. “I’m in Juzbado.”

Rubio is referring to Spain’s only uranium plant, a double-fenced bunker opened in 1985 by the National Uranium Company (ENUSA). It’s located just under two miles from the village center. The facility, which employs 381 workers, has twice the population of the municipality. So, little by little, it also took on the name “Juzbado.”

The hustle and bustle of the factory, which even has night shifts, contrasts with the peaceful tranquility of the village. The factory supplies uranium to around 20 nuclear power plants across Spain, France, Belgium, Switzerland, Sweden and Finland. Around 17% of the electricity in Spanish homes, as well as the energy of tens of millions of Europeans, depends on the fuel pellets that are processed on the outskirts of this tiny location in Salamanca province.

Juzbado

The newspaper archives kept by EL PAÍS reflect the protests that the project sparked in its early days. “Many towns don’t want the factory,” proclaimed the then-mayor, back in 1980. The journalist described Juzbado as “a town without asphalt and without unemployment,” where residents lived “off their own land and their few heads of cattle.” There were fears of “genetic mutations in human beings.” Hundreds of people demonstrated in front of the barbed wire fence.

Today, after 40 years of operation, there are no reports of serious safety problems or radioactive emissions… but the annual drills are a reminder that this isn’t just any ordinary factory. Three years ago, workers rehearsed what to do in the event of a terrorist attack. The scenario was a supposed act of arson, to divert attention from the placement of a bomb.

ENUSA is a public company; 60% is owned by the State Industrial Holdings Company (SEPI), which is part of the Ministry of Finance. The remaining 40% is controlled by the Center for Energy, Environmental and Technological Research (CIEMAT), part of the Ministry of Science. Its annual turnover is around €300 million ($341 million). The 10 residents surveyed by EL PAÍS believe that this lucrative uranium monoculture, which has been growing for decades, should have contributed more to Juzbado’s development. “We don’t have high-speed internet; we’ll have it by the end of the year, because the State Secretariat for Telecommunications is implementing universal broadband. Right now, we have fairly mediocre internet, it’s patchy,” laments the mayor, a member of the ruling Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE).

Benedicto Martín Arnés

Fernando Rubio – a specialist in Baroque and Renaissance music – teaches at the University of Salamanca, but lives with his family in Juzbado, on a cliff with impressive views of the Tormes River. Ironically, as the mayor of Spain’s most technologically-advanced municipality, as soon as he took office he embraced poetry. Every year, since 2008, the best Spanish-language poets have come to this community to recite their verses, which are then engraved on bronze plaques. “Since you’re not safe from anything, try to be the salvation of something,” proclaimed the Uruguayan poet Ida Vitale, winner of the Miguel de Cervantes Prize. “The pigeons coo in their nests. And, in the distance a bell can be heard – a small heartbeat that calls on us to live close to the mystery,” recited Francisca Aguirre, who won the 2018 National Prize for Spanish Literature.

The mayor strolls through the narrow streets filled with engraved verses, until he reaches the town’s only bar, El Toral, run by Lourdes García. An 84-year-old man, Benedicto Martín, comes in and orders a glass of wine. He explains that he worked half his life in “la nuclear,” as they used to call it. Another local resident, 71, orders a glass of beer. His name is Antonio Ruiz, “like the bullfighter [nicknamed] Espartaco.” He participated in the construction of the factory and then stayed on, processing uranium fuel pellets until his retirement.

No one at the bar can accept the fact that Juzbado is the Spanish municipality with the highest percentage of workers in the technology sector.

“They’re not people from Juzbado; we’re the same old people here,” Ruiz scoffs. There’s bitterness in his voice, because his son hasn’t found a job at the factory. Everyone in the village knows everyone else, yet the mayor and the locals can barely name 15 people who live in Juzbado and also work at the uranium factory.

Juzbado

Entering the factory isn’t easy. This newspaper requested a visit from ENUSA on April 7, following the publication of the report that ranked Juzbado as the most technologically-advanced municipality in Spain. After a few weeks, the publicly-owned company proposed May 13 as the date of a visit. During this waiting period, the mysterious massive blackout of April 28 placed uranium at the center of the political debate, with the right-wing Popular Party and far-right Vox demanding that the government extend the useful life of Spain’s seven nuclear reactors. The phased closure of these facilities is scheduled between 2027 and 2035.

Two weeks ago, in the Congress of Deputies, Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, of the PSOE, proclaimed: “There’s a lot of talk about nuclear power plants, but little talk about the fact that there’s no uranium in Spain. Therefore, we’ll have to import it. Where will it come from?”

The PP immediately responded on social media: “We have more uranium than Pedro Sánchez is [aware] of,” referring to the reserves of more than 34,000 tons of low-quality uranium found in the Spanish subsoil – particularly in Salamanca – according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Hours later, Sánchez made a clarification: “The uranium deposits that exist in Spain stopped being exploited decades ago because they were absolutely unviable from an economic point of view, [while also being] highly-polluting.” ENUSA closed its last uranium mine in 2000, during the right-wing administration of Prime Minister José María Aznar, of the PP (1996-2004). The public company has spent more than $120 million on the environmental restoration of that mine, in Saelices el Chico, another municipality in the province of Salamanca.

Juzbado, Salamanca

The Juzbado-based plant is primarily dedicated to converting uranium oxide powder – which is purchased from other countries, primarily Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Namibia, Russia, Niger and Canada – into fuel pellets. Each pellet – less than half-an-inch in diameter – generates the same amount of energy as a ton of coal, enough to last a family for a year.

Pablo Vega, the facility’s director, sat down with EL PAÍS in a meeting room. According to his figures, 23 of his workers (6%) are linked to Juzbado, either by birth or residence. “As a public company, I can’t say: ‘I’ll [hire] people from this town.’ If a position opens up, anyone can apply under equal conditions,” he argues.

Cotec’s Technological Employment Map analyzes Social Security affiliation data in all of Spain’s municipalities. Juzbado has 411 employees, with 375 of them dedicated to technological activities. Most of the facility’s employees, however, live in the city of Salamanca, about 15 miles away. Buses make the trip every day. “Having a factory in the municipality clearly represents an opportunity for young people and [guarantees] a stable population. And, logically, local authorities benefit from the taxes,” says Vega, a 51-year-old industrial engineer originally from Zamora who now lives in Salamanca.

The mayor has outlined the impact of the factory on the town. ENUSA owns more than 1,500 acres – almost 40% of the land – as well as heritage properties across the municipality. The City Council owns only 1%. The council receives about $250,000 each year from ENUSA, primarily from property and business taxes, which represents a third of its total income. The salary of the president of ENUSA alone, however, exceeds €245,000 – or $278,000 – annually. The position has been held for three years by Mariano Moreno, the former director-general of the PSOE’s Federal Executive Commission.

Juzbado

The Juzbado plant, as Vega emphasizes, is classified as “a strategic facility” for the European Union. There are only three other similar facilities: in Lingen (Germany), Västerås (Sweden) and Romans-sur-Isère (France). The director’s mission is to continue producing uranium after the Spanish nuclear reactors shut down in 2035. The plant already exports 65% of its production. And ENUSA has signed an agreement with an American company, Westinghouse, to manufacture fuel for the Russian-designed VVER reactors in Europe. Juzbado will help Finland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Bulgaria avoid dependence on the autocratic Vladimir Putin.

Mayor Rubio, a leader in his party’s fight against depopulation, has reflected extensively on the slow death of towns, many of which have been condemned to accept mega-farms that deliver the final blow with their foul odors. “[The autonomous community of] Castilla y León has the sad honor of having seven of the ten regions in all of Spain that are at extreme risk of depopulation. In [the province of] Salamanca, we have three: Campo Charro, Vitigudino and Ledesma. We have a practically desert-like population density,” he sighs.

“One of the big problems,” Rubio continues, “is that rural areas have lost their self-esteem. It’s in the fatalism of a predetermined destiny: ‘we’re going to empty out.’ We need to radically change that dynamic,” he argues. “There are [clichés] that the vast majority of politicians in this country use, such as that there must be jobs and infrastructure [to repopulate empty Spain]. But the better your job, the more likely you are to leave [your hometown]. And fixing the roads has essentially served to encourage people to flee. It’s essential to have jobs and roads, but that’s no longer enough. Nobody is going to go live somewhere because they have a job right next door [to their house] if they’re going to rot in the afternoon, with absolutely nothing to do. Cultural development is needed,” he proclaims. “We’re vibrant people.”

One of the poems engraved on the walls of Juzbado speaks about the precision of language. “Expectant words, fabulous in themselves, promises of possible meanings (…) a brief error turns them ornamental. Their indescribable precision erases us,” recited Ida Vitale. Juzbado may be the most technologically-advanced town in Spain thanks to the uranium plant that sits on its outskirts, but this Cervantes Prize winner searched for – and found – another adjective: “I am enraptured; I have discovered a divine town.”

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