CIA
Secrets, UFOs, And Smokescreens: Why Washington Is Obsessed With Extraterrestrials
Published
4 days agoon
Let’s start with the proven facts: Disclosure Day is the most anticipated film of the summer. Its director and screenwriter, Steven Spielberg, revealed details about its plot this week on one of Stephen Colbert’s final shows: he says it tells the story of the theft by officials, “committed to the truth,” of all information held by the government “about UFOs and extraterrestrial visits,” and the system’s desperate attempts to prevent it being revealed.
“This 79-year campaign of terror and lies has to end!” actor Colman Domingo exclaims in the trailer. That reference needs no explanation for ufology enthusiasts: 79 years have passed since the Roswell Incident, when a New Mexico farmer found metal debris from something the U.S. Army first called a “flying saucer,” a term that entered popular speech that summer of 1947, and the next day referred to as a “weather balloon.” That event launched Americans’ fascination with UFOs. Almost eight decades later, 56% of them take it for granted, according to a YouGov poll, that extraterrestrials “have already visited Earth.”
In Washington at the moment there is a sizable group of politicians, journalists, podcasters, influencers, military figures, scientists, and activists who, like Domingo’s character, believe that this “campaign of terror and lies” should not only end, but is about to.
One of the movement’s longest-serving figures is Stephen Bassett. For decades he has worked as a “political activist” leading an essentially one-man organization called Paradigm Research to secure the declassification of information about “extraterrestrial life” that he is convinced the government holds. Trained as a physicist, he arrived here in the mid-1990s and soon made a name for himself as the “first registered UFO lobbyist” pressing Congress.
In a building near the White House he works from a windowless office whose walls are lined floor to ceiling with hundreds of ufology books. Hanging on one wall are the front pages of the Roswell Daily Record from those two days in 1947 when the government changed its story. Bassett, one of those characters you only find in Washington, claims a share of the paternity of the concept of “Disclosure with a capital D,” which he says he began using in the first decade of this century and which Spielberg borrows — the director of the two films that have done the most for the cause to date: Close Encounters of the Third Kind in 1977, and E.T. five years later. “I only ask for a quarter of the profits from the new one,” Bassett jokes.

Disclosure Day is scheduled to open on June 12, 2026, five weeks after the Pentagon made history on May 8 — for some as an attempt of providing the truth, for others as a smokescreen at a moment of extreme unpopularity for Donald Trump — by declassifying, by presidential order, an initial batch of 162 documents on Unidentified Anomalous Phenomena (UAP, the term adopted a few years ago for UFOs, which had acquired a stigma after decades in popular culture). On Friday another 60 items were released. The corpus includes images, videos, diplomatic cables and transcripts of eyewitness accounts that do not provide any extraordinary, let alone conclusive, revelations.
None of this would likely have been possible without Luis Elizondo, a former senior intelligence official and special agent who for years worked on a U.S. government program secretly approved by Congress to investigate UAP sightings over sensitive military installations. Those objects can be grouped into three categories: ordinary terrestrial phenomena (the vast majority: weather balloons, camera glitches, visual illusions…), extraordinary terrestrial objects (spy planes or Russian or Chinese drones capable of feats beyond the reach of the U.S. military), or extraterrestrial (the presence of aliens).
In 2017, “forced to choose between defending the Constitution and the bureaucracy,” Elizondo decided to expose it. He resigned and sent a letter to his superiors. “There were accumulating incidents with UAP near aircraft and military bases and nobody was doing anything,” the former official recalled on Thursday from Wyoming in a videoconference with EL PAÍS. “I had two options: stay and live with the frustration of being complicit in deceiving the American people, or step forward and — without revealing classified information — expose the use of taxpayer money to study UAPs, which, whatever they may be and wherever they may come from, are out there.”
When asked whether he has feared for his life during this time, Elizondo answers with a simple “yes.” He was the essential source for a 2017 article in The New York Times that marked a turning point in legitimizing public debate on a subject usually confined to films and fringe publications.
He also took part in one of the two explosive Congressional hearings held in 2023 and 2024. At those hearings, two retired senior military officers detailed encounters with aircraft whose technology they maintain did not appear to be of this world, while former intelligence officer David Grusch testified under oath that the Pentagon holds parts of alien craft and “nonhuman remains.” “Most of the time there are prosaic explanations,” Elizondo admits, “but we are not talking about when your grandmother saw some lights in the backyard. These are trained pilots who can identify in a fraction of a second whether they’re looking at an F-16 or a MiG-23 flying 20 miles away.”

Those sessions legitimized Capitol initiatives — in the name of national security and with bipartisan support — such as the UAP Disclosure Act, promoted by Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer. They also paved the way over the past year for high-profile government figures such as Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Vice President J. D. Vance to come out on the UFO issue. Vance said in March on a podcast that he is “obsessed with UFOs” and believes “aliens are demons,” after former president Barack Obama caused a global stir by saying on another podcast that extraterrestrials are “real,” though they are not being guarded at the famous Area 51.
Hours later, Obama softened his remark, but it was already too late for Trump, who on February 16 — days after his predecessor’s off-script comment and a couple of weeks before launching the war on Iran — published a message ordering the head of the Pentagon, Pete Hegseth, and “other relevant departments and agencies” to begin “the process of identifying and releasing government files related to alien and extraterrestrial life, unidentified aerial phenomena (UAP), and unidentified flying objects (UFOs),” matters he added were “highly complex, but extremely interesting and important.”
“They’re testing the waters,” says Bassett, who, in light of the press-mention archive he has amassed — “more than 9,000” entries since the Times exclusives — confirms interest “has never been greater” than now. He believes it’s all part of a “process” that will culminate in the day a “head of state” goes public and “confirms the existence of nonhuman life.” “American activists would prefer for our president to make the announcement. And that would make sense because,” he clarifies, “the rest have ceded the spotlight on this issue to us over the last 80 years.” That, he says, would explain why news about alleged alien life almost always seems to originate in this dominant culture, with its unmistakable blend of innocence, enthusiasm, and paranoia.
The “Disclosure Movement”
That day will bring what the lobbyist, fond of labels, calls “the end of the truth embargo,” and inaugurate “the post-disclosure era.” Bassett also talks about the “UAP community” or the “Disclosure Movement” to refer to a constellation of believers now experiencing a mix of euphoria after decades of being ridiculed as “tin-foil-hat types,” and a certain disappointment.

Elizondo highlights documents from the first batch related to the Apollo 12 and 17 missions: “NASA has been saying for 40 years that it has no information on UFOs… and now it turns out it does?” But he urges patience: “I don’t think [with the first declassified documents] we are at the beginning of the end of this conversation, but at the end of the beginning. There’s still a long way to go.”
Australian investigative journalist Ross Coulthart, another leading figure in that community, was harsher last week in a phone interview about the Trump administration’s handling of the issue. He called the initial release of papers from several government agencies — hosted on a Department of Defense website (war.gov/ufo) that has already exceeded one billion visits — “completely absurd.” “I know from Defense and Intelligence sources that there are many more high-resolution videos and photographs, impressive and ontologically striking,” Coulthart said, adding that there is resistance within the government and from “many private contractors” to comply with Trump’s promise.
The journalist, who laments that the White House is not “pushing hard enough,” fears the UFO file declassification will follow the pattern of other unfulfilled Trump promises: from the Epstein files, whose staggered release seems intended to distract and numb public opinion, to files on the murders of Martin Luther King Jr. or John Fitzgerald Kennedy — whose deaths Coulthart alleges, without evidence, were related to their “pressure to reveal information on UAP.”

While activists watch their screens awaiting developments, the idea is gaining traction in Washington that Trump’s decision is an unmissable opportunity to tear down the veils of what the conspiratorial tribe calls the “deep state.” Few may be as convinced as Republican Congresswoman Anna Paulina Luna of Florida.
As head of a commission called the Task Force on the Declassification of Federal Secrets, Luna pushes as hard to shed light on Jeffrey Epstein’s sexual crime network as on the MKUltra program, which — and this has been proven — saw the CIA secretly experiment with psychedelic drugs for population control. That dedication makes Luna, an outsider when she arrived in Congress in 2023, a politician in perfect tune with Trumpian Washington, a city taken over by conspiracies and smokescreens.
Representatives Eric Burlison (Missouri) and Tim Burchett (Tennessee) round out the podium of those in Congress who have turned disclosure of government UFO secrets into a personal crusade. They are not alone: a handful of Democrats have joined the mission. Elizondo calls them all “heroes.”
Luna, Burlison, Burchett and some of their rivals attended a screening of another milestone in this story last November: the documentary The Age of Disclosure, produced and directed by Dan Farah, a Hollywood figure who has been passionate about extraterrestrial enigmas since childhood.
It premiered with great success on Amazon and in a handful of U.S. cinemas. It is a well-financed film, far from the classic documentaries on the subject, partly because its talking heads are not fringe activists but 34 senior figures from the U.S. government, military, and intelligence community. They include members of Congress such as Burchett, a former defense secretary, and Rubio, who appears as a senator and is now, in addition to secretary of state, a national security adviser. In the film he says: “We’ve had repeated incidents of something operating in the airspace over restricted nuclear facilities, and that something is not ours.”
Together, with Elizondo as a central figure, they denounce a government “cover-up” as well as “a secret Cold War” among world powers to decipher — through reverse engineering — all the secrets of “advanced nonhuman-origin technology.” They also attribute decades of secrecy to collusion with private defense contractors.
“When we were filming the documentary I already trusted its huge impact, and that it would force the government to declassify,” the director said last week by videoconference. Farah said he was proud to have “driven the final nail into the stigma” affecting those who, like him, believe in “certain fundamental facts.” “That we are not alone in the universe, and that the U.S. government holds craft of nonhuman origin and is engaged in a competition with hostile nations to learn from their technology,” he said.
One of the documentary’s most interesting sections comes when experts ask what impact an announcement like the one the Disclosure Movement desires would have — on major religions, for example, or on the economy. If the strangling of a strait in the Persian Gulf has managed to upend it… what would happen if a head of state delivered what Farah believes would be “the most consequential news in history”?
Faced with that hypothesis, Helen McCaw, who worked as a senior analyst in financial security at the Bank of England, wrote in January to the current governor, Andrew Bailey, advising him to design contingency plans in case the White House confirms we are not alone in the universe.
So far, Trump does not seem as concerned as McCaw about the potential implications of the tap he himself opened. As proof of how seriously the U.S. president takes the matter, consider a post published last week on his Truth Social network. It is an AI-generated image showing him walking alongside the classic depiction of an extraterrestrial (humanoid figure, grayish skin, large eyes) in handcuffs. Whoever designed it added that typical smudge you see in photos taken clumsily with a cell phone. And it ended up being the most realistic part of the whole thing. Who wouldn’t mess up the shot, out of sheer nerves, when faced with the task of immortalizing Trump alongside an alien?
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Chihuahua
The CIA Crash That Opened A Fraught Month In Mexico–US Relations
Published
1 week agoon
May 26, 2026
In a country of drug traffickers, savage battles between cartels, and their victims, the spark that set everything off came from a remote spot in an isolated mountain range. In the early hours of April 19, two CIA officers and two agents from the Chihuahua Attorney General’s Office were killed in a brutal car crash. On a road that winds through the gorges of the Sierra Tarahumara, their vehicle plunged into the depths of a ravine. The tragedy itself quickly receded into the background because of what it revealed: U.S. intelligence officers were with Mexican state agents returning from dismantling a huge drug lab. That revelation quickly set the rest of the pieces in motion.
First, Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum moved swiftly against Chihuahua’s opposition government. The federal administration said it had no knowledge of the CIA agents, arguing that the Mexican Constitution bars foreign figures from doing field work.
The Chihuahua Attorney General’s Office stumbled at every step as it could not explain what the U.S. agents were doing there; the resignation of the Chihuahua prosecutor was announced, investigations were opened, and impeachment proceedings against Governor Maru Campos were launched.
Amid the internal conflict in Mexico, messages arrived from the United States: first a criticism of Sheinbaum’s “lack of compassion” over the agents’ deaths, and then the announcement of charges against the governor of Sinaloa and nine other officials for links to drug trafficking.
Both Maru Campos and Sinaloa Governor Rubén Rocha Moya were summoned on Saturday to testify before the Attorney General’s Office. Only a month has passed since the accident, and the repercussions inside and outside Mexico’s borders are still unfolding.
Unanswered questions
The case is full of questions. No government has helped answer them. For her part, the governor of Chihuahua says she did not know at the time about the operation, and barely knows now. She argues that the person who authorized the operation was the director of the State Agency of Investigation (who died in the crash); that the U.S. agents did not take part in the operation but do participate in operations in Chihuahua, though they are not CIA, and that people must wait for the investigations to finish.
Maru Campos only acknowledges that the then-attorney general of Chihuahua, César Jáuregui, called her at 3 a.m. on April 19 when the crash occurred and later told her that there were four CIA agents there, that two were in the vehicle that crashed, and two were in another vehicle.
As a result, there is still no detailed reconstruction of what happened. Citing testimony from the U.S. government, the Los Angeles Times reported that the four CIA officers did go to the drug lab, that it was the third raid they had taken part in since January in Chihuahua, and that they were there wearing state police uniforms. A source close to the Sheinbaum government told this newspaper that the drug lab was no longer operational, so the loss of life was in vain.
The crash has, however, produced one finding on the Mexican side: the CIA is cooperating with state governments and doing work previously carried out by other agencies, such as the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). The same sources say the presence of these intelligence officers is greater now than at other times, and has grown almost by default after Trump designated Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations.
“In terms of the fogginess and the clarity of the information, in one month we have not yet gained much,” says María Teresa Martínez Trujillo, director of the Noria Research Center for Mexico and Central America. “There is no convincing account of who they were, what they were doing here, why it happened, why they were with Mexican agents, why they were where they were, why the accident occurred.”
Martínez, a professor at Tec de Monterrey, points out how public opinion in Mexico has grown used to having only “bits of the story and being left with a lot of unknowns,” while the case evolves toward a “politicization”: “And at the same time it is linked to other tensions in the political-criminal configurations, particularly what is happening in Sinaloa,” she adds.
The fallout
There is one fact that cannot be overlooked in this story. Most Mexican states are controlled by the ruling party Morena, and Chihuahua — one of the exceptions, led by the National Action Party (PAN) and the country’s largest state — will hold gubernatorial elections in 2027. In the days following the accident, Sheinbaum spoke about the case in all her morning press conferences, announced that it would be investigated whether the Mexican Constitution had been violated, stressed that U.S. officers could not operate in the field, and also took aim personally at Maru Campos, noting that she had not even answered her calls.
“The Mexican government tried to use the crash for domestic politics, but unintentionally ended up feeding distrust toward U.S. agencies,” says security analyst Carlos Pérez Ricart. “In the pursuit of winning some internal applause and affecting some internal opponents, they ended up making political use of the deaths of two people. And there is also a human aspect that the agency would not have tolerated. I think the federal government misread the situation and, instead of showing compassion for the deaths, they made political capital out of them.”
For the researcher at the Center for Economic Research and Teaching (CIDE), the response from the Department of Justice and the CIA came in reaction to “the excessive prominence the Mexican government gave the issue”: “It is natural there would be a response, and we have yet to see all the consequences.”
Just 10 days after the Chihuahua crash, the United States indicted Rubén Rocha Moya and nine other political and security figures in Sinaloa. Two of them have already surrendered across the border. The Donald Trump administration has publicly said on several occasions that these indictments will not stop in Sinaloa.
The spies
The CIA has had agents in Mexico for decades; those who were in Chihuahua — unnamed publicly, unacknowledged on the Mexican side of the border — were not the first and will not be the last. Their deaths have drawn such attention because they are the latest example of a clash between conflicting messages: Donald Trump’s recurring threat of military intervention in Mexico and Sheinbaum’s perpetual defense of Mexico’s sovereignty.
“The president shows a general resistance to the presence of the agents, which does not mean there are not likely very specific cooperation agreements and projects,” says María Teresa Fernández Trujillo. Because the CIA officers should not have been working in Chihuahua, but they were.
“It is perfectly normal for the CIA to do its work with the states. It happens, it happened, and it will happen,” says Pérez Ricart, author of Cien años de espías y drogas: la historia de los agentes antinarcóticos de Estados Unidos en México (A Century of Spies and Drugs: The History of U.S. Drug Enforcement Agents in Mexico). “Sometimes it’s written down, sometimes not, sometimes it’s formal and sometimes informal, but CIA officers operate and will continue to operate in Mexico with or without the local government’s authorization.”
The researcher believes that state governments will now be “more cautious,” given what’s happened to Maru Campos, but he does not think this will transform how the intelligence agency intervenes: “The CIA needs informants, police, investigators, public prosecutors, and that relationship is not controlled — and has never been controlled — by the federal government. Much of the operation is not even endorsed by local governments. So this is not a before-and-after of anything. And especially not now, when the presence of these people is so evident, and interference is so central.”
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