The freedom that Javier Milei proclaims does not include citizen participation in the decision-making process. At least that is what two recent initiatives from his government suggest. Last week, the far-right president eliminated by decree the public scrutiny phase of the process for selecting candidates to the Supreme Court. At the same time, his administration is pushing regulation of interactions between officials and private actors with a bill that restricts a citizen’s right to petition authorities, by equating it with corporate lobbying. A broad array of civil society organizations warns that eliminating or reducing the spaces for public participation weakens democracy.
“The government does not get along well with institutional and civil society oversight. Nor does it get along with press scrutiny,” says Pablo Secchi, director of Poder Ciudadano, one of the organizations sounding the alarm about the risky advances of Milei’s administration. “I think this government has many problems with the institutional mechanisms that allow for a strong democracy.”
The alarm was raised earlier this month when the executive branch submitted a bill to Congress titled “Transparency and Public Disclosure of Interest Management”. According to the government, its purpose is to guarantee “the traceability and probity of interactions between public and private actors in the processes of forming and making state decisions,” from issuing or amending laws to contracts, licenses or the handling of public funds, among other measures.
The proposal would create a public registry of “interest managers,” into which both citizens and entities of any kind that make approaches to members of the executive and legislative branches would be required to enroll. They would have to provide not only personal or legal data, but also detail whether they are acting pro bono or not, and whether they represent domestic or foreign interests. They would also have to submit a detailed quarterly report on their activities. Separately, officials and legislators would register their contacts with private-sector actors. The bill provides for fines, prison sentences and disqualifications for those who falsify information or fail to submit the required reports.
Although the far-right administration has presented the proposal as a contribution to building “a more deliberative, transparent and liberal democracy,” nearly 200 associations, foundations, forums and human rights organizations say the bill “threatens the work of civil society,” “restricts participation and autonomy” of their organizations, “centralizes control in an authority that is not independent, and criminalizes formal errors.” In a joint statement they conclude that it “does not strengthen democracy” but rather “erodes it precisely where it matters most.”
The main criticism from NGOs is that the government draws an equivalency between “the relationships among the state, the private sector and civil society.” They argue that “contact between a company and an official seeking a regulatory or direct economic benefit is not comparable to the work of an organization that promotes rights, represents collective interests, voices social demands or carries out democratic oversight of power. Treating them the same under a single regime of registration, control and sanctions is not neutral: it has serious political consequences.”
“We support regulating lobbying as an activity that seeks to contact officials to pursue an economic benefit, but the way it is currently drafted, the bill is so broad it covers actions of a very different nature,” explains Eduardo Ferreyra, co-director of the Asociación Civil por la Igualdad y la Justicia (ACIJ). “If, for example, relatives of victims of an incident were to present their complaints to the authorities, they would be covered by this bill,” he warns.
Another swipe to citizen participation was inflicted by Milei through a decree signed last Tuesday. The president revised the rules governing the appointment of Supreme Court justices, the attorney general and the national public defender. Since 2003, the executive branch had been required to organize a citizen evaluation stage for potential nominees to those posts before sending candidates to the Senate. During that stage, citizens, civil organizations, professional associations, academic institutions and other entities could submit “positions, observations and circumstances they consider relevant” about the prospective candidates. Milei eliminated that stage, claiming that public scrutiny is already guaranteed when the matter is debated in Congress. Incidentally, the same decree also removed the recommendation to respect gender parity when composing the highest court.
A dozen non-governmental organizations voiced their rejection of the presidential decree. “Citizen participation strengthens the quality of decisions and accountability, while diversity lends greater legitimacy to our justice system,” said CELS, Amnesty International, ACIJ, Poder Ciudadano, Inecip and other NGOs. “Restricting spaces for citizen intervention and abandoning criteria aimed at promoting plural integration of the highest court” are measures that increase distrust in public institutions, “weakening democracy.” They add that “the appointment of judicial authorities is one of the most consequential decisions and, as such, requires more oversight, not less.”
The absence, scarcity or weakening of channels and mechanisms for public participation are among the factors political science has long warned about, across various countries, as contributing to democratic erosion. With case-by-case nuances, the phenomenon is often associated with leaders who reach power through elections, establish a direct relationship with their voters and “exercise power without any willingness to accept checks, or even actively seek to undermine those checks, against Congress or the judiciary,” explains political scientist Miguel De Luca.
How does that style of governance coexist with a rhetoric like Milei’s, whose main slogan is “long live freedom”? “There are at least three variants of what is understood by liberalism,” De Luca says. The libertarianism that Milei claims to follow elevates individual freedom, private property and non-intervention by the state as supreme values. “Another variant is what Italians call being ‘liberista,’ which means favoring freedom only in the economic sphere. And the third is the more progressive variant, where liberalism refers to a set of rights across all spheres of social life: religious freedom, freedom to participate in public life, sexual freedom… That conception is entirely absent from Milei’s views. He moves between being libertarian and being ‘liberista.’”
Sign up for our weekly newsletter to get more English-language news coverage from EL PAÍS USA Edition
“The renown Borges enjoyed during his lifetime, documented by a slew of monographs and controversies, still astonishes us today. We know that he himself was astonished, and that he always feared being declared an impostor or a bungler or a peculiar mixture of both.” Thus reads the entry devoted to Jorge Luis Borges in an Enciclopedia Sudamericana dated 2074. With irony, typographical errors and anachronism, it was written, of course, by Borges himself, a century before its hypothetical publication. Forty years after the death of the author of Ficciones and El Aleph, which occurred on June 14, 1986, that fear — if it ever existed, if it was not pure imposture or shy modesty or a blend of both — could be declared abolished. The passage of time has raised his stature even higher and enriched both his figure and his work: Borges has long been ranked among the greatest authors of world literature, and undisputedly occupies the throne of Argentina’s greatest writer.
It was not always so, at least in his own country. In fact, until his death, when he was 86 and living in Geneva, a significant number of his fellow Argentines, especially within the cultural community, resisted accepting the place already occupied by his stories, poems and essays — largely because they rejected his conservative, “foreign‑looking” imaginary universe and the public persona Borges constructed in interviews and other appearances.
“While alive, Borges was an enemy to debate with, an adversary to refute. After his death, Borges becomes a writer to be won over,” and an ally courted across the political and cultural spectrum, summarizes the literary scholar Lucas Adur at one of the many tributes being held in Argentina, in this case organized by the Argentine Association of Hispanists (AAH). For Adur, that shift in Borges’s reception was completed in 1999, on the centennial of his birth, when “a kind of ecumenical consecration” took place.
The four decades since his death have illuminated different facets of Borges, complicating the image of the blind, wise and venerable old man who seemed to have read every existing book. As Adur, author of a Borges biography, explains, a series of shifts broadened the public view of the writer. These included restoration of the contemporary political context of his activity, a context obscured by Borges himself, and the ideological positions he took (his brief enthusiasm for the Russian Revolution or for nationalism, his antifascist activism, his fervent anti‑Peronism).
Other factors were the emergence of manuscripts, letters and documents, and even the books he read, underlined and annotated while he ran the National Library, which provide a material basis for Borges studies. Also revealing were intimate disclosures in the diaries of his friend Adolfo Bioy Casares, where everything from jokes and gibes to concerns about literary politics emerge. And there was the transformation of a writer and a body of work once seen as elitist into a pop figure through adaptations and appropriations in books, comics, films and even memes.
In a similar way, Borges’ work itself transformed. During the author’s lifetime he often introduced changes with each new edition. Even after his death new material kept cropping up. In the 1990s early books he had disowned were republished, as were the essays from Inquiries, El tamaño de mi esperanza (or The size of my hope) and El idioma de los argentinos (or The language of Argentines). Later, numerous articles, reviews and profiles he had written for magazines such as Sur and El hogar — which he had never collected — were assembled. And during this century another central strand of his production began to be investigated and recovered.
“Not everyone has read Borges. Everyone, however, has heard him. Everyone knows how he spoke; everyone would recognize his voice,” observed Alan Pauls in his book The BorgesFactor. “By a curious paradox,” he added, “the most ‘bookish’ writer in Argentine literature, the one most wedded to the protocols of the written word, is also the writer who best exploited the possibilities of the spoken record — the most oral, most spoken writer in Argentine literature.”
The research, part archaeological dig and part detective work, conducted by scholars has made it possible to locate and publish the literature classes that Borges taught at different universities, as well as the lectures that took him around Argentina and to other countries. At the same time, it has revealed another side of the writer: the man who, after losing his job as a librarian amid Peronism’s rise in the mid‑1940s, was forced to work as a public lecturer to support himself. “He prepared his classes and lectures obsessively, with huge amounts of research and reading,” noted Dr. Mariela Blanco, compiler of the 2025 El habla de Borges. Access to Borges’s notebooks, she added, shows “how he moved from writing to orality and from orality to writing.” For example, his lectures on Franz Kafka contain the seed of a key essay for the renewal of literary criticism, Kafka y sus precursores.
An author of the future
The 40th anniversary of Borges’s death has been commemorated in Argentina over the past weeks with a range of cultural activities: tributes, courses, debates, performances and exhibitions that will continue through the end of the month. In Buenos Aires, the program titled Borges. Echoes of a Name is being hosted by the Centro Cultural Recoleta, co‑organized with the Jorge Luis Borges International Foundation, where manuscripts, personal items, first editions of his books, photographs, a hologram reproducing his phrasing and a recreation of the austere room in which he lived for most of his life are on display. At the Mariano Moreno National Library there will be a series of talks and readings dedicated to the author of El hacedor (or The maker) in the coming days, as well as programming this weekend at the Casa del Bicentenario, among many other options.
One recurring theme in the commemorative events is the particular resonance of Borges’s work with the 21st century — its capacity to address an era so different from his own, a present shaped by information technologies and artificial intelligences. Perhaps because of the fragmentary character of many of his texts, perhaps because of the unsettling interplay of reality and fiction his stories and essays propose.
The tension between national literature and world literature in Borges also crops up repeatedly in debates. “One of Borges’s distinguishing traits is that he places Argentine literature on a world stage. His ambition is to build a mythology of the pampas and the suburbs that stands alongside the Iliad, the Odyssey or the Icelandic or Anglo‑Saxon sagas he so admired. And he succeeded,” writer Carlos Gamerro said at an event organized by the Centro Cultural Borges under the title Borges, author of the future.
What Borges did with the Spanish language,” Gamerro added, “was something totally new and foundational,” and with that tool he built “a place of literary centrality.” He even allowed himself to dispense with the major genre of his time, the novel. “If you think of world literature as a building,” he added, “Borges is one of the pillars and, if you remove Borges, world literature collapses. Nothing like this can be said of any other Argentine author, and I don’t know about Latin American authors either.”
Sign up for our weekly newsletter to get more English-language news coverage from EL PAÍS USA Edition