America
The Children Of Brazil’s Asylum Of Horror Demand Justice: ‘It Was A Lifetime Punishment’
Published
2 weeks agoon
Débora Soares, 41, had an unusual childhood. She was born in Brazil’s largest psychiatric hospital, where her mother worked as a nursing assistant and her father as a doorman. It was a vast hospital complex with a daycare center she attended. For years, she frequented the place. When visiting with her parents, she saw the patients, sometimes chatted with them, and even knew some of them by name. But she also caught glimpses of the horror carried out in the name of medicine.
“I saw some scenes… naked patients, shouting, foul smells. But at the time I didn’t understand the scale of it because I was raised there, you know?” Débora said on Wednesday in her first interview with a foreign news outlet. Some hospital staff whispered behind her back because many of them knew the great secret she would only discover in her twenties.
The absence of photos of her mother’s pregnancy and her mother’s behavior fueled suspicions about her origins. One day, she asked one of the nannies who had cared for her as a child, and the woman did not beat around the bush. She told Débora what she knew: she was adopted, and her biological mother was one of the women who wandered aimlessly through the grounds of the psychiatric hospital in Barbacena, a city 173 miles from Rio de Janeiro in the state of Minas Gerais, a region known for its minerals, coffee, and mental health institutions.
Over time, she learned that her biological mother had been forcibly committed at the age of 16 after being abandoned at eight because of her epileptic seizures and transferred between other institutions. She never again lived outside institutional walls. She died at the age of 50.
Débora was handed over to her adoptive parents at birth, without any legal process — nothing unusual in that place. It is estimated that at least 30 babies born in the psychiatric hospital met the same fate. “They called it a ‘Brazilian-style’ adoption back then,” she recalls.
The Soares family registered her as their biological daughter. Armed with the first pieces of information about her real origins, she rushed to the hospital in search of the unknown woman who had brought her into the world. While waiting for a response from the administration, she questioned some of the residents.
One of them told her the truth bluntly. “A patient I knew from childhood told me: ‘The person you’re looking for is Sueli Resende because she had two daughters here. I think she’s dead now,’” Débora recalls in a café in Belo Horizonte. Débora — who holds a degree in literature and works as a supermarket cashier — recounts her family drama with remarkable composure. Only the constant rubbing of her hands betrays some nervousness. She has spent many years in therapy.
The Hospital-Colônia, as it is known in Barbacena, was for decades the epicenter of atrocities committed in the name of psychiatry in Brazil and elsewhere. Hunger, cold, torture, and diarrhea claimed the lives of around 60,000 patients, whether genuinely mentally ill or merely presumed to be so. There were so many deaths that the institution had its own cemetery. The hospital even profited from selling corpses to universities. Yet within those wards, which included punishment cells, babies were also born — among them Débora and João Bosco Siqueira, now 59 years old. No one knows how many; there may have been hundreds.
Now they, together with other survivors, have sued the Brazilian state in court. They demand that it acknowledge its responsibility and compensate them for the moral damages they suffered during “one of the darkest and most extensive episodes of human rights violations in Brazil, perpetrated with the complicity of the state, part of the medical community, and society,” according to the lawsuit, drafted by lawyer Gabriel Hess, Débora’s stepson. “Because it is such a sensitive matter that it requires someone I trust completely,” she says.
João Bosco’s mother, Geralda Siqueira, gave birth in the asylum after being forcibly committed at the age of 14. She was not mentally ill but was pregnant after being repeatedly sexually abused by the head of the influential family she worked for as a servant. She was put on a train bound for Barbacena, where the family had a relative who was a nun. After giving birth, she lived with her son for a couple of years, until, in the late 1960s, he was taken away without warning.
Desperate, she suffered a breakdown and was subjected to electroshock treatment. João Bosco explains that “the next day they threatened her: if she looked for me or brought up the subject again, things would be even worse.” He says that he was sent to the first of several orphanages where he grew up. Four decades passed before his coworkers managed to locate Mrs. Geralda and arrange a reunion as a birthday gift. A month later, he visited her at home: “For the first time, we sat down and talked. She told me the story; she explained everything she had been through.” She is also a plaintiff in the lawsuit.
The Barbacena institution finally closed in May, with its last 14 patients transferred to a property outside its walls. The claimants fear for the preservation of the medical records and the institution’s archives. If those records deteriorate or disappear, there is a risk that, once the last person involved dies, the cruel system that destroyed their mothers’ lives and profoundly affected their own will be buried in oblivion. They are determined to prevent that from happening.
Throughout the 20th century, Barbacena became something of a city-asylum thanks to its cool mountain climate and railway connections. The most important psychiatric hospital was founded in 1903 as a sanatorium for the wealthy, complete with luxuries such as telephones and silver cutlery. Later patients would lose their teeth after years of eating with their hands.
Psychiatric institutions became a pillar of the local economy and a dumping ground for thousands of people considered disposable by society. “It was not mere hospital negligence but a deliberate policy of extermination aimed at individuals deemed undesirable, which transformed an alleged place of care into a death camp,” continues the lawsuit, accusing public institutions of both omission and direct action.
An extensive railway network that converged on the city brought tens of thousands of people there. It is estimated that two-thirds were not mentally ill. Many went mad behind those walls. João Guimarães Rosa, one of Brazil’s great writers, dedicated a story to what he named “the train of the mad,” an expression that took hold in society. The carriages were packed with passengers who only made the one-way trip.
Prostitutes, alcoholics and vagrants shared the fate of gay people. And political dissidents. Single mothers were sent there along with wives confined by their husbands and daughters who lost their virginity before marriage. “Women who defied the patriarchal order,” the lawsuit notes.
These children of the asylum of horrors came up with the idea of suing the state after learning that, in 2025, the Public Prosecutor’s Office — an institution in Brazil that combines the functions of an attorney general’s office and an ombudsman — opened an investigation into the Barbacena hospital as a step toward addressing the atrocities of the past. The inhumane treatment had not been a closely guarded secret. Many people worked at the hospital, from doctors to cleaners. Some even brought their daughters there to spend the afternoon.
Prosecutor Angelo Giardini de Oliveira, who is handling the case, stresses in his office that “something like this does not happen only because of the state’s actions but because part of society accepts and supports it.” Despite occasional investigative reports, such as that of photographer Luiz Alfredo, who in 1961 portrayed patients as zombie-like figures in stark black-and-white photographs (images now held in the Barbacena municipal archives), conditions improved only minimally for decades. There was little interest in those human beings who were being treated like animals.
The major turning point was O Holocausto Brasileiro (The Brazilian Holocaust), a book published in 2013 by journalist Daniela Arbex that became a bestseller. Brazilian society began to grasp the scale of the horror.
Prosecutor De Oliveira stresses that an investigation like this requires a mature society and considerable sensitivity. His team is proceeding step by step. Their goal is to uncover the truth and preserve the historical memory of what happened, but they are also listening to victims to determine what form collective reparations should take.
“We are in an initial phase of listening, raising awareness, collecting documents and understanding the scope of the rights violations that occurred there,” the prosecutor says.
Débora, João Bosco, and another victim have already given testimony. The Federal University of Belo Horizonte and the Federal University of Juiz de Fora — two of the 17 universities that purchased the bodies of patients — have recently issued apologies. Meanwhile, the public foundation that operated the hospital has announced plans to digitize its archives.
Vista aérea del complejo psiquiátrico de Barbacena, cedida por el abogado Hess.
After being reunited, João Bosco and Geralda, now 75, built a mother-son relationship. A firefighter with a degree in philosophy and an avid reader, he says they are seeking justice because the system, “instead of being fair, turned a blind eye. It abandoned a little girl in that place because she had been abused.”
Remembering the past pains him. “I demand justice because it is not right to separate a child from his mother — my mother has not had a moment of peace in her whole life; it has been all hardship.”
Illiterate, Geralda earned a living as a domestic worker and, although she raised a family, life has dealt her countless blows. Her expectations are modest. The plaintiffs speak highly of the prosecutor, but João Bosco notes that “unfortunately, in Brazil, criminal law is designed for the poor, while civil law is designed to protect the rich.”
The survivors who had no families — many of them suffering from severe, lifelong consequences — were gradually transferred to therapeutic residential homes in Barbacena, a city that has sought to learn from its past. The Italian psychiatrist Franco Basaglia, a leading advocate of psychiatric reform, visited Hospital-Colônia in 1979 and was deeply shocked: “Today I have been in a Nazi concentration camp. Nowhere did I see anything like this.”
From the 1980s, Brazil started to embrace a new therapeutic approach to mental health care. The city also took a step toward coming to terms with its past by opening the Museum of Madness on the hospital grounds.
Among those present at the museum’s inauguration in 1996 were Débora, then a 12-year-old girl, her adoptive parents, and … her biological mother. Débora has no memory of meeting her that day and cannot identify her among the many patients she interacted with. She called the ones she knew best uncle and aunt, the affectionate terms Brazilians commonly use for older people.
The day another patient told her that her mother was the late Sueli Resende, she also suggested that Débora visit the museum, where there was a portrait of her.
And there she was, in black and white. She looked calm, with a half-smile, full cheeks and a generous chin. In the portrait, she is wearing several necklaces. “She piled them on one atop another so she wouldn’t lose them, so they wouldn’t be taken,” her daughter says.
At Hospital-Colônia, scarcity was so extreme that any possession could become a source of conflict. It was the law of the strongest. Sueli was greatly feared by both the other patients and the caretakers.

Débora learned about her mother by reading her medical record. It took her three years to obtain permission to consult it. She confirmed that her mother had died in 2006, just one year before she discovered the truth. They had come so close to meeting.
For two weeks, Débora went to the hospital every day to read and take notes from file no. 947, a detailed account of the 35 years her mother spent confined there. It documented the epileptic seizures — sometimes as many as five in a single day — the medication, the electroshock treatments, the terror and anguish she felt before the sessions, the vegetative state they left her in, the self-harm and aggression she displayed in an attempt to avoid such cruelty, and the many periods she spent in punishment cells.
What horrified Débora was discovering that the brutal treatment had become so routine it seemed almost banal. Her family prevented her from being lobotomized, but they never visited her.
And Sueli’s medical file also recorded her experience of motherhood — and the trauma of loss. She gave her daughters the names of two of her sisters. Because they were taken from her immediately after birth, all she knew about them were their names, birth dates, and skin color. Each child was the result of a relationship with another patient.
“I have two daughters. One dark-skinned, one white. The dark one is called Débora; her birthday is August 23, 1984. The fair one is called Luzia; she was born June 15, 1986,” she would repeat. And she prayed for them with a rosary that her daughter found and has kept.
Every year, as the girls’ birthdays approached, her mother’s crying spells became worse. Sueli died of a heart attack without ever hearing any news of her daughters.
Her medical records also reflect the changes brought about by the gradual humanization of treatment within those walls. “Electroshock ended. Patients began to be treated as individuals. They took part in workshops. Hygiene arrived — brushing teeth, manicures, meals that actually had some flavor,” says Débora.
Page by page, Débora saw “how her behaviour changed as the treatment changed.”
Débora stresses that the asylum’s own staff — including her adoptive parents, who have since died — were themselves unprepared and lacked the resources to manage a facility that at one point housed 5,000 patients at the same time. Anyone could dispense medication or administer electroshock treatment.
And what about the other girl? What became of the fair-skinned baby? Débora searched for her for 12 years without success. Then, suddenly, one day in 2019, she learned that Luzia had been looking for her too. The shock was compounded by the astonishing discovery that her sister did not speak Portuguese because she was French.
Her name is Marie Florin Gillot, and she resembles their mother. After first getting to know each other through a screen, the sisters spent an unforgettable Christmas together in France.
Thanks to the fact that her adoption had been legal, the name of the judge who approved it became the thread that Débora’s French sister followed to uncover her past and track down her Brazilian sibling.
Débora grows emotional recounting the details: “It was the greatest joy of my life, the greatest achievement after having cried so much for not having known my mother.”
With emotion, patience and the help of Google Translate, the sisters keep in touch.
“What my mother suffered was worse than imprisoning an innocent person,” Débora says. “A 35-year sentence, an entire life lost, a whole life of punishment.”
Nothing will bring their mother back or fully heal the scars left by the trauma. But, she says, compensation would allow the sisters to cross the Atlantic from time to time, see each other, and recover, as far as possible, the part of their lives that was taken from them.
At the law firm of attorney Hess — who is the son of Marie’s husband — testimonies from other Barbacena survivors continue to arrive. He says that some of them had never even heard of O Holocausto Brasileiro, yet they recount details that could only be known by someone who lived through that horror firsthand.
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America
Ada Ferrer, Historian: ‘A National Dialogue Is Something That Should Have Happened In Cuba A Very Long Time Ago’
Published
22 hours agoon
July 19, 2026
The scene took place nearly half a century ago. It was June 9, 1977, and ABC News was about to broadcast journalist Barbara Walters’s highly anticipated interview with Cuban president Fidel Castro. A family of four, a husband and wife and their two daughters, sat in front of the television in the living room of an apartment in West New York, New Jersey. Before the interview began, and before Castro declared that he had become a communist through studying the political economy of capitalism, or that he would remain in power for as long as the people wanted him there, the newscast opened with images of El Morro, the Malecón, the Capitolio, the sublime city that is Havana.
One of the daughters, Ada Ferrer, a 15-year-old teenager, felt her eyes well up with tears. “What’s wrong with you? Why are you crying?” her parents asked. Ferrer was crying for everything she did not know about herself. She replied: “Because I was born there and I have no memory of that place. What does it mean to be born somewhere and not be able to remember it?”
Nearly all her life since then — through her training as a historian, her books, her Pulitzer Prize, her work — has been a personal and collective search for the Cuban nation.
Ferrer was just 10 months old when her mother carried her in her arms and, without saying goodbye to her nine-year-old son, Poly, whom his father from a previous marriage would not allow to leave the country, embarked on a one-way journey through Mexico that ended in the United States. It was April 1963. Castro’s Revolution was not yet a dying enterprise but a project barely four years old, although Ferrer’s father had already left to settle in New York. He waited for them there.
“My mother left Cuba leaving my brother behind, but always thinking they would be reunited soon, that Poly’s father would change his mind and let him leave. There was also the belief that Fidel might fall and we could return,” says Ferrer. But the mother and son would not see each other again for several years, and not even the letters they exchanged month after month could fill the deep crater that separation carved into the family.
Following a superb essay published in The New Yorker, My Brother’s Keeper, Ferrer this year published Keeper of My Kin: Memoir of an Immigrant Daughter, a book in which the historian delves into and explores the search for her past.
“History shapes the heart of many families; it is present in daily life in ways people sometimes do not realize,” she says. “I have always tried to write histories from below, because we all live under the shadow of history. My family cannot be explained unless I place it in the context of the Cuban Revolution, the beginning of exile, and emigration to the United States. My family is made up of all that.”
Question. Why should people read your personal story today? What does it say about Cuba as a nation?
Answer. People tend to talk about Cuba in slogans: you are either for it or against it, who left and who stayed. Everything is reduced to that. But that is not Cuba’s true story; it is in families like ours, who experience the Revolution, exile and migration policies in flesh and blood. Family separation, ordinary people trying to survive, is part of the story but is often left untold. The main issue is not ideology; it is family ties and the human condition. This is not only the story of my family; it could be the story of many people over the past several decades. And in the United States, it is not just the story of Cubans: this is a country that receives people from all over the world. People leave their families behind because they see no other option. It is a very painful, very difficult process. At a time when U.S. politics, and especially the president, speaks of migrants as if they were not human, it is important to tell immigrants’ stories in a deeply human way.
Q. The symbolic arc of the Cuban immigrant experience in the United States can be seen in your own family: your family was welcomed into this country, yet until a few weeks ago one of your nephews was being held at Alligator Alcatraz. How much does that say about the current moment?
A. It is a very different moment. When we arrived in 1963, there was aid, people welcomed you, and now my nephew arrives and is detained. The so‑called Cuban “privilege” has, for the moment, disappeared. They did not repeal the Cuban Adjustment Act, but they are obstructing it; it is frozen. Not only that, the country has changed. The opportunities that existed when I arrived are no longer there. I studied at a very prestigious university and paid almost nothing. There was assistance, more jobs, lower housing costs. Everything has become more difficult.

Q. In your latest book we see Ferrer the person, but also the professional. Is it challenging to tell your own personal story using the techniques and tools of historiography?
A. It was the only way I could do it. One of the main sources was a set of documents I found after my parents died: the letters my brother Poly wrote to my mother after we left. We left on April 29, 1963, and the first letter is dated May 4 — not even a week had passed; it was a letter from a nine‑year‑old with spelling mistakes to his mother who had just left. Those letters kept arriving at our home until 1979. Reading them was one of the hardest things I have ever done. They were my brother’s letters of suffering, and I imagined my mother reading them and feeling that guilt. I would read one or two and then have to stop. They were hard to read, but I also read them as a historian, as if they were archival sources. That took a great deal out of me.
When my brother left during the Mariel crisis [in 1980], my mother and he crossed paths at sea. She went to pick him up in Cuba, but he had already come, and they sent him to one of the camps set up in northern Florida because many people were arriving in Key West and Miami. The documents from that camp are in the National Archives in College Park. So I went and worked in that archive. That is what I know how to do; I have spent more than 30 years going to archives and searching catalogs. I do not think I would have liked to do it any other way.
Q. When did Cuba become a subject of professional interest?
A. It took quite a while. At university I studied English literature; in the 1980s very little Latin American material was taught. In my first year, I wrote an article about women and the Cuban Revolution. After that, I did not write again about Cuba during my university career. I graduated thinking I would become a lawyer, but I worked at a law firm and did not like it. I only knew I was a good student. Later I thought of studying Latin American history with the aim of becoming a journalist. I did a master’s at the University of Texas, then returned to New York and worked as a teacher. I kept studying, completed a PhD in Latin American history and wrote my dissertation on Cuba — on the war of independence and the racial question within those struggles. That became my first book.
Q. Since then, professionally and personally, your life has been a project of reconstructing your memory and your country.
A. Yes, but it is not a very efficient method, because immersing yourself in an archive and reviewing 19th‑century documents does not reconstruct my memory or my parents’ memory. But that is how I began; I plunged into the national archive of Old Havana to work. My first trip to Cuba was in 1990. Since then, I have made more than 30 trips; I went almost every year.
Sometimes, when I was in Cuba, I felt that what I really wanted to do was look at everything and record it all with my eyes so that afterwards I could show the film to my parents. I began to feel that need to understand Cuba, and it all has to do with family separation. Most of my family remained in Cuba. I wanted to understand why some people had left and others had stayed, how different those who stayed were from those who left, how people change within a revolution and how they change in emigration.
Q. How do you think they change?
A. My mother in the United States and my aunt in Cuba remained the same, despite such a long separation. Yes, in my aunt’s house there was a photograph of Fidel Castro with his rifle, while in mine there was a picture of Our Lady of Charity. That was very different, but at the same time the culture was shared: the way they spoke, the coffee in the morning. I wondered how people who were so close to one another had chosen such different things.
I remember that on my first trip to Cuba I took a lot of photographs, and the whole family in Miami came to see them. One of them showed my uncle Gregorio, my father’s oldest brother, a very sharp-tongued man. I remember his sister seeing the photo and saying: “Look at my brother Gregorio, communism has destroyed him.”
That struck me. Twenty-five years had passed, yet there was still this idea that people had not gone on living, that everything was simply a matter of living under communism. But people do go on living, and that was one of the things I saw when I went there: Cuba is not a normal country, but there is life.

Q. You have said your father used to say: “Cuba is shit, but it’s my shit!” Is it yours too?
A. Yes, especially now. I used to have more hope, particularly during the Obama era, with the opening-up. Not anymore. Now Cuba is a total disaster, and I carry that with me; it keeps me awake at night.
Q. Has there ever been a crisis in Cuba’s history comparable to this one?
A. I think of Weyler’s reconcentration [policy]. He was the Spanish governor-general who, during the wars of independence, wanted to prevent Cuban rebels from receiving support from people in the countryside. Those people were driven off their land and concentrated in towns where there was not enough food, housing, or sanitation, and a great many died. I think about that from time to time. But this is the worst moment of the past several decades; it surpasses the Special Period. We have now been living through it for 36 years, and this crisis comes after more than three decades in which people have known that, to survive, they need hard currency. It is a crisis on top of a system that is already deeply deteriorated, which is why it is worse. It has been 30 years of collapse. The country is destroyed.
Q. There now seems to be a certain nostalgia for the Republic in some quarters…
A. Many people feel that nostalgia because it was the period before Fidel and before Batista’s coup, a time of promise. But the understanding of that period is not very deep, because there was a great deal of corruption, and people do not talk about that. People talk about the Constitution of 1940; there were elections with people from all parties, communists, conservatives, and I do not think that those who are talking about the Republic today are necessarily committed to that same spirit of diversity. Since I have always studied race, I do not know whether the people who glorify the Republic understand how much inequality there was. There is inequality now as well; the Revolution did not erase it, and it has worsened over the last 30 years.
Q. Your Pulitzer Prize-winning book Cuba: An American History seems especially relevant amid the tensions that exist today between Havana and Washington. How closely have Cuba’s past and present been tied to the presence of such a nearby empire?
A. You cannot understand the history of Cuba without understanding the history of that relationship. One thing I am seeing more and more on social media is people writing as though the empire did not matter; some even defend the Platt Amendment, which was imposed by the Americans in 1901 as an appendix to Cuba’s first constitution. It gave the United States the right to intervene and prevented Cuba from entering into agreements with third countries. We have reached a point where we know what the word sovereignty means, yet people associate the word sovereignty as though it belonged to Fidel Castro, and so they reject sovereignty.
Q. Recently, The New York Times published your open letter to Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, in which you write: “The hour has come. It is time at the very least for a true national dialogue.” What would such a dialogue require, and what would it entail?
A. A dialogue that includes people from here and from there, dissidents, members of the government, people on the left and on the right; one that reflects a plurality of experiences and viewpoints. That is what I want, but I do not think it is possible. People are so attached to their positions that, if the government were to call for such a dialogue, some would refuse to take part, and if the dissidents were to call for it, the government would resist. A national dialogue is something that should have happened in Cuba a very long time ago, but it has not.
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Activismo
El Artista Cubano Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara Llega Exiliado A Estados Unidos
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El artista cubano Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara llegó en la tarde de este sábado a Miami, en un exilio forzado después de cumplir una condena de cinco años por participar en las protestas masivas del 11 de julio de 2021. El creador de 38 años, fundador y líder del Movimiento San Isidro, fue liberado de la prisión de máxima seguridad de Guanajay el 7 de julio, pero las autoridades lo mantuvieron retenido en paradero desconocido, según familiares y activistas que denunciaron que se encontraba desaparecido.

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