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A Cartel Tortured Julio: The US Denied His Family Asylum And Wants To Send Them To A Third Country

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Julio thought that he had found his dream job. He was a driver for a wealthy family in Guadalajara, Mexico’s second-largest city.

At first, his tasks were simple: taking his employer to the beauty salon, shopping, or for tea with her friends. He dropped her children off at school and then took them to their English, piano and swimming lessons. But everything changed when he discovered that they were the wife and children of a drug trafficker. “I can’t get out of here,” Blanca Hernández recalls her son saying, when he confessed that organized crime had recruited him. “The boss has already started asking me to deliver packages,” he told her, horrified, back in 2016.

Ten years later, Julio Alfredo De Ávila Hernández is missing. And several of his relatives now live in the United States: they fled the state of Jalisco without imagining that, by seeking asylum, they would enter a legal labyrinth. Their case has become intertwined with the Trump administration’s harsh immigration policies, which mandate the transfer of asylum seekers to third countries deemed “safe.” This is in order to avoid forcing them to return to their countries of origin, where their lives would be in danger.

In April of 2026, an immigration judge presented options to Julio’s parents and siblings: they could continue their asylum process in Ecuador, Honduras, or Guatemala (in that order). They’ve since initiated an appeal process to try to remain in the United States. “They want to send us to Ecuador, but it’s worse than Mexico,” says Alondra De Ávila, Julio’s younger sister.

Back in 2024, she crossed the border with her son — now four years old — to surrender to immigration authorities and tell her story. “We want to stay here. I don’t want my son to experience what I went through,” the 26-year-old pleads.

Julio’s life in Mexico’s criminal underworld

The day Julio accepted the first package his boss handed him, he knew there would be more to come. When he refused to carry out one of the assignments, the threat was immediate. “He told me that, if I quit working for him, he would kill my family, my wife and my children,” recalls Blanca Hernández, 59, describing a conversation she had with her son.

She says Julio was forced to work for a cartel, and that there came a point when a hitman accompanied him everywhere. They knew where he lived, who his relatives were and what his daily routines looked like. By that point, Julio had no way out.

“He saw them making the cocaine bricks. At parties, my son said, instead of putting out bottles [of alcohol], they would put out a tray with just lines [of cocaine]. They started forcing him to do drugs. If he didn’t want to, they pulled out guns. My son started becoming addicted to drugs,” his mother recounts. “He told me that he had stopped visiting us for our own good, so as not to involve us in his life.”

Blanca’s fears came to pass in the early hours of April 5, 2017. Julio was 31 at the time. A phone call alerted her that something had happened at her son’s home in Tlajomulco de Zúñiga, 20 miles south of Guadalajara. When she arrived, she found a heartbreaking scene. “There were pieces of flesh, already dried. I believe they were my son’s. There was a lot of blood in both bedrooms and in the kitchen. I had never seen so much blood,” she recounts.

Some witnesses told her that, hours earlier, armed men had arrived, wearing what appeared to be police badges. They were traveling in two pickup trucks. “They took out a person [from the house], wrapped in a blanket. It looked like a dead body. They threw him in the truck. Then, they took out a woman and, finally, my son, covered in blood, semi-conscious,” she says.

The family sprang into action. They filed a complaint with the Jalisco Attorney General’s Office, called everyone they knew, plastered Julio’s photograph around the city, spoke to the media and even offered a reward for information that might help locate him. But their efforts had an unexpected consequence: they angered the cartel. Vehicles carrying hooded men armed with assault rifles began following them. Then came direct threats, first through anonymous phone calls.

“They told me that they were the ones who had taken Julio and that they wanted me to hand over what Julio owed them,” reads the statement that Blanca Hernández gave to the Jalisco State Police’s Investigative Division. “If I didn’t, they said that they would cut off my head,” she continues.

Two weeks after Julio’s disappearance, one of his sisters received a video call: she saw her brother being tortured.

“He was covered in blood. They had him tied up. They pulled his hair to lift up his head. My son was covered in bruises. His face was swollen from the punches and covered in blood. His white tank top was completely red with blood,” his mother describes.

That was the last time the family saw him alive. Some time later, a video began circulating on El Blog del Narco, a website that publishes uncensored content related to organized crime in Mexico, showing a horrific act. This is how Jéssica, Julio’s younger sister, describes it: “They were cutting off his hand, from the wrist down. The police in Mexico showed us that video.” The family was able to identify him by a tattoo with his daughter’s name on one of his forearms.

Persecution in Mexico

The cartel made it clear that its threats were serious when several gunmen showed up at the family’s home. They pounded on the door and demanded that Julio’s mother hand over “what Julio had left behind,” according to her statement to investigators. “I couldn’t even speak; I was so scared,” she recounted.

The harassment soon spread to their workplaces and the streets of their neighborhood. One afternoon, the gunmen did not even hesitate to approach two of Julio’s sisters as they were accompanied by small children. “We grabbed the baby from the stroller and ran,” Alondra De Ávila recalls. “When we got home, we locked everything up. We put the sofas in the doorways.”

As soon as they had the chance, they fled to the Guadalajara airport, considering it to be the safest place in the city. Thus began a long journey, passing through the homes of relatives in the states of Jalisco, Aguascalientes and Baja California.

Blanca Hernández lost all hope of finding her son alive the day she spoke with someone connected to drug trafficking. “He told me, ‘Please, ma’am, don’t look for him anymore. You’re in grave danger. They’re going to kill you all.’”

Officially, Julio is one of the approximately 135,000 missing persons in Mexico, a crisis that has reached record numbers in recent years (with organized crime playing a central role). Only a year ago, this family laments, the Jalisco State Attorney General’s Office issued its first missing person report for Julio. “My brother became just another missing person, but for us, he will always be our family member,” Jessica says.

“It’s all been very hard”

The family fled to Tijuana, but even there, they didn’t feel safe. In 2024, they decided to cross into the United States to surrender to the Border Patrol. They all passed the first hurdle in their asylum application: the credible fear interview. Afterward, they remained in immigration custody — some for days, others for months — until they were released and able to reach their destination.

The process continued. They began to get settled in the United States, like so many other migrants. They attended hearings, confident that they had enough evidence to win their case. They even had copies of the complaints they had filed in Mexico. But on April 13, 2026, the family received a devastating blow: an immigration judge granted the government’s request to close their asylum application and denied them protections against deportation. She ordered that they be sent to Ecuador or, failing that, to Honduras. Guatemala was left as a third option.

These three nations have cooperation agreements with the Trump administration, functioning as “safe third countries,” meaning they receive migrants and process their asylum claims there. Human rights and immigrant advocacy groups, however, have questioned whether they genuinely meet the protection standards required under U.S. law. The agreements were initially signed during Trump’s first term, but were suspended during Joe Biden’s presidency. Trump reactivated them after returning to the White House. In the case of Ecuador, the agreement came back into force in July, 2025.

“It’s all been very hard,” Blanca Hernández laments. “I told the judge that we were in grave danger in Mexico, but that, between going to Ecuador or returning to Mexico, I’d rather die in Mexico.” She adds: “It’s not right that, just because of a mistake my eldest son made, more people are going to die. I am asking the U.S. government to give us a chance. We’re not bad people. We didn’t come here to steal. We didn’t come here to take anything from you.”

Her daughter, Alondra De Ávila, agrees that, if they’re deported to their home country, “we would have to live in hiding; there’s nowhere safe for us there.”

Their appeal against the immigration judge’s ruling has given them a glimmer of hope. The family is determined to pursue the legal fight through every possible level of appeal. “My family isn’t asking for money. We just want to be allowed to stay in this country,” Jessica insists. “It’s unjust to deny us that protection.”

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From Sugarcane Fields To Dialysis: The Kidney Crisis That Crosses Borders

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This story is a collaboration between the Puente News Collaborative, a bilingual, nonprofit newsroom and funder dedicated to high-quality, fact-based news and information from the U.S.-Mexico border, and Public Health Watch, a nonprofit investigative newsroom based in Texas.

By the time Evelyn Morales learned that her brother, Alberto, had been diagnosed with kidney failure in the United States, she knew the disease well. One of her sisters had died of the same condition four years earlier.

Alberto worked on construction crews and painted houses across the U.S. for more than a decade. But one day, the 37-year-old’s body gave out. Struck by fever and pain, he could no longer work.

“My mother told him to come back to El Salvador,” Evelyn said in an interview in her home, which borders a sugar cane plantation in Jiquilisco. “She told his wife to find a way to buy his ticket, because if he died, she wanted to bury him in his homeland.”

Mesoamerican nephropathy, a form of chronic kidney disease, represents a growing health crisis among Central Americans, at home and in the U.S.

The illness, whose exact cause remains unknown, appears to have a common origin: It strikes people mostly along the Pacific coast of Central America, from Costa Rica to Guatemala. Experts studying the disease point to a combination of likely causes, including exposure to agrochemicals, heat stress from prolonged hard labor in hot weather, and inadequate hydration.

Ramon García Trabanino, vice president of the Latin American Society of Nephrology and Arterial Hypertension, who has studied the disease since the 1980s, said the illness follows the heat. With climate change, the region is only getting hotter.

“The illness is here to stay. Global warming and heat will continue complicating things,” he said. “There’s no hope; every year it will get worse.”

A young migrant’s disease

In El Salvador’s eastern Usulutan department, one of the areas most affected by the disease, young laborers – some of them minors – put in long hours in farm fields under the sun or in construction. Young police officers on the beat and monitoring traffic also face heat stress.

Without proper health care, kidney damage can start in adolescence. Yet the symptoms take time to appear, usually after repeated heat stress has damaged the kidneys. Because migration from the region has been significant in recent decades, symptoms often appear when young workers who once toiled under a Central American sun show up in clinics and emergency rooms — in the U.S.

If they get sick in the U.S., they can seek expensive treatment, or return to countries where public clinics are saturated and private medical care is accessible to the wealthy and those who receive remittances from relatives living and working abroad.

Hard work, tragic consequences

At age 14, siblings Alberto and Evelyn began working side by side in the sugar cane fields that dominate the landscape around the town of Jiquilisco, some 70 miles southwest of San Salvador. Under a blazing sun, they worked long shifts, often skipping water breaks to finish faster. In 2016, Alberto decided to migrate to the United States, just as thousands of Salvadorans had since the 1980s. When he left, his community was caught in the middle of a gang turf war.

Alberto jumped into arduous jobs in the U.S., but it wasn’t long before his body began showing signs of trouble: He often ran unexplained fevers, and his muscles constantly ached.

Nonetheless, he labored on, finally stopping in 2024, when he could no longer stand.

“In the U.S., you can’t afford to get sick, because if you don’t pay rent, they’ll put you out on the street,” Evelyn said.

After an examination, a doctor delivered the grim news. “He said [Alberto’s] kidneys were no longer working,” Evelyn said.

That year, Alberto faced the difficult choice: stay in the U.S., where health care was beyond his means, or return home to seek a spot at a government-supported hospital.

“These are workers that are doing the jobs that no one else wants to do [in the U.S.], and they have limited or no access to health care,” said Roxana Chicas, associate professor at the School of Nursing at

Emory University in Atlanta. “And they get sick, and there’s no mechanism in place to take care of this workforce.”

Chicas said that many of those who fall ill do not remain in the U.S. to receive treatment. “Probably around half go back to their home countries in search of affordable care,” she said, noting that the number is difficult to pin down because there’s no good system in the U.S. to track undocumented migrants with renal dysfunction.

U.S. research on non-traditional causes of renal failure aims to identify gaps in care for agricultural workers and construction crews. Chicas believes it will add insights into how rising temperatures affect laborers.

Sonia Lazo, una promotora de salud local, explica el estudio CURE a los residentes varones de Jiquilisco, El Salvador, el 27 de enero de 2026.

A multinational crisis

According to university and hospital reports in the U.S., Mesoamerican nephropathy disproportionately affects migrants between 22 and 45 years old, mostly men who’ve emigrated from high-risk areas, from southern Mexico to El Salvador and Nicaragua. The two Central American countries have reported the highest number of deaths linked to the disease. The latest reliable numbers, from a 2019 report by the Pan American Health Organization, show 67.4 deaths per 100,000 population in El Salvador. Globally, the region ranks among the highest in renal failure rates and the lowest in treatment rates.

Government health data from El Salvador estimates that chronic kidney disease from non-traditional causes affects about 3.8% of the population, rising to 6% among men. Official mortality rates for all forms of chronic kidney disease increased from 45 deaths per 100,000 population to 60 per 100,000 in 2022. The Health Ministry says about half of those deaths occurred in the Bajo Lempa region. Nationwide, more than 7,300 patients are registered in public dialysis programs.

Doctors working in affected communities say the official numbers underestimate the scale of the disease. They point to local studies dating back to 2014 that found much higher rates of kidney failure and death, registering an annual average incidence rate of 1,410 cases per million people, two-thirds of whom did not report diabetes or hypertension — the usual precursors to kidney trouble. Salvadoran clinicians said government figures mainly include patients who make it into the public health system, while many others die at home or never receive treatment because of the cost or a lack of access to medical care.

Dr. Raúl Guevara, who works at the CURE Consortium, an international initiative focused on finding causes of chronic kidney disease of uncertain origin, said that when researchers began recruiting study participants in El Salvador, they sought people who had participated in earlier studies and had elevated creatinine levels, a leading early indicator of the disease. But when they arrived in communities to follow up with study subjects, they were told the individuals were gone; they’d migrated north.

“Because of the economic hardship people face here, the disease ends up reaching other countries’ medical systems, like those of the United States and Mexico,” Guevara said.

The study into the risk factors of renal disease, which will last at least 10 years, is being conducted with experts in the affected countries and at U.S. universities.

“These pathologies belong to other hemispheres, other latitudes,” said Emmanuel Jarquin, one of the study’s lead researchers. “But our population migrates [to other countries], and the disease arrives in their health systems.”

The study’s goal is to prevent the disease, a silent killer detectable only by regular testing. But by the time symptoms appear, kidney damage is irreversible and requires dialysis or transplants.

Pablo Rivera, un paciente con insuficiencia renal, cosecha maíz en el campo de su familia junto a su mujer y sus dos hijas pequeñas en Hule Chacho, El Salvador, el 22 de enero de 2026.

Survival with a price tag

For Salvadoran migrants who show symptoms in the U.S. and seek treatment, options are limited. Without health insurance, treatment in the U.S. is out of reach for many migrants. Those who go back to El Salvador face a tough reality; treatment at home for chronic kidney disease is also a struggle. Public healthcare systems are overwhelmed, and private treatment costs remain beyond their reach.

In rural El Salvador, Pablo Rivera faced the limits of treatment after he learned his kidneys were failing. At age 37, he was told he needed renal replacement therapy. He said he felt like his world had collapsed. He had seen his father and his favorite childhood teacher in El Salvador die from the same disease.

Filled with fear and under pressure from his wife, he began seeking treatment openings in the Salvadoran public health system, but found none. In the U.S., his brother-in-law began sending money to pay for private treatment at a nearby clinic. (In 2025, remittances from migrants in the U.S. totaled $9.9 billion — a cash flow the Salvadoran Central Bank says has steadily grown over the years.)

For two years, remittances from Rivera’s brother-in-law covered one of the two private clinic treatments that ran up to $120 each. When he could no longer work, his wife and eldest daughter took jobs in cornfields and sold home-made cakes, joining the many women caring for kidney patients who’ve had to take on extra work.

In El Salvador, a single dialysis treatment costs around $120, while in the U.S., the price can reach $500 without insurance. But the minimum wage in El Salvador is about $409 a month for industrial and service jobs, and just $273 in agriculture, the sector employing most people affected by kidney disease.

What’s worse is the shortage of hospital beds, mainly in parts of El Salvador where the disease is most prevalent. In Usulutan, the small town near Rivera’s home, only one public hospital offers dialysis. To reach others, patients must travel two hours to San Miguel, the nearest big city, or almost four hours to the capital, San Salvador.

The weight of the treatment became too heavy for Rivera’s family. After two years of remittances, his brother-in-law could no longer send money.

“That day I told my wife I was going to die, because we didn’t have the economic means for me to live,” he said. “We put our hopes in God’s hands.”

An overcrowded system

Renal replacement therapies, like dialysis, have overwhelmed hospitals in El Salvador, where there are only half the number of kidney disease specialists as the global average. Denis Calero, a doctor at the National Jiquilisco Hospital, said the country is faced with a double burden; apart from the young patients, there’s also chronic kidney failure in older adults with diabetes or hypertension.

“This is a disease that cannot be cured, but it can be prevented,” said Calero, who today treats about 1,000 patients whose renal troubles are “under control,” and more who are on deeper replacement therapy in the hospital and his private practice in the town of Jiquilisco.

For now, Rivera and Alberto are medically stable. Two days a week, they travel to the hospital in Usulután, where they finally found free public treatment after spaces became available.

But each visit seems to bring a new loss. Rivera says that almost every time he arrives for treatment, he notices another familiar face is missing. These are friends who lost their fights against the disease. Those moments make him mentally count the number of years and months they had lived with the disease, a habit he tries hard to push from his mind.

He keeps himself busy to avoid dwelling on his condition. In late afternoons, when the heat eases, Rivera still works his family’s corn plot. The routine is a distraction, he said.

“It’s very hard because I already have a wife and kids, and I love my family,” he said. “It’s hard to think that I’m going to leave them one day.”

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Ataque contra Irán

Estados Unidos Bombardea Tres Petroleros Iraníes, Uno De Ellos Cerca De La Estratégica Isla De Jarg, En Respuesta A Ataques De Teherán

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El Ejército estadounidense atacó este sábado tres petroleros iraníes, en respuesta, dijeron las autoridades de Washington, a los misiles balísticos disparados contra dos buques de guerra de Estados Unidos que patrullaban en la zona. No hubo víctimas en ninguno de esos incidentes, según informó el Comando Central estadounidense (CENTCOM) en un mensaje publicado en la red social X por la mañana (hora de Washington, seis más en la España peninsular).

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Ataque Estados Unidos a Venezuela

La Eterna Espera De Los Damnificados En Venezuela Que Viven En Refugios Y Albergues Desde Hace Más De 15 Años

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Refugio 'La Posada de Catia' en Caracas, Venezuela, el 10 de agosto.

Hace unos años que Magdalena compró una vajilla que soñaba estrenar en la vivienda que pudiera otorgarle el Estado después de haberse quedado sin casa en 2012, cuando se deslizó la tierra en Catia, al oeste de Caracas, a causa de las lluvias, y su hogar se derrumbó junto con los de otras 60 familias. En ese momento fue a parar a un edificio abandonado de la avenida José Ángel Lamas, que ya era refugio de otras familias damnificadas. Algunas de ellas accedieron a una vivienda —incluso en La Guaira, que volvieron a perder después del terremoto—, pero Magdalena nunca pudo salir de ahí. En 2025, después de 13 años, murió en la espera, con su caja de platos aún sin estrenar.

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Moraima Afanador en el refugio José Ángel Lamas de Caracas, el 10 de agosto.Yeiker García, tiende su ropa para secarla en el patio del refugio La Posada de Catia.Niños juegan en el refugio La Posada de Catia,en Caracas.Yarceli Diaz abraza a su hijo en el espacio que le asignaron en la Torre Pomarrosa, en Caracas,e l 10 de agosto.







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