Evan Gershkovich does not conceal the fact that he would rather be on the other side of the table. “Your job as an interviewer is much more fun than mine,” admits the journalist who has had to get used to being the center of the story. His ordeal began on March 29, 2023. The then–Moscow correspondent for TheWall Street Journal was detained that day on charges of espionage. He spent 16 months in prison before being freed in the largest prisoner swap between Russia and the West since the Cold War. The exchange, in which the governments of the United States and Germany were heavily involved, had the makings of a spy movie.
Since then he has had time to recover and to write This Cursed Beautiful Land, the book in which he recounts his ordeal. Gershkovich, the son of Russian immigrants, was raised in New Jersey but traveled to Russia in 2017 in search of his roots and an exciting career in journalism. He made friends there and enjoyed his investigative work until Vladimir Putin’s slide into authoritarianism made reporting increasingly difficult and forced many people in his circle to leave the country. “The party’s over,” is the chapter’s title. The next major twist came with a set-up by a source that led to his arrest in Yekaterinburg, deep in the Urals.
Gershkovich, 34, met EL PAÍS at the New York offices of Penguin Random House, the publisher of the book. Prison did not make him renounce his work. “Life feels heightened when you’re chasing a story. In those moments there’s an excitement that makes everything else seem boring.” It also did not worsen his view of the country that jailed him. He bristles when told that the tone of the book is surprisingly upbeat. “I’m not going to make up that they strung me up with a rope by my feet and look how miserable it was,” he replies, somewhat irritated.
In recent years, Gershkovich says he has found a balance between his two selves: Evan, the kid who grew up in New Jersey, and Vanya—the name he answered to in prison—who was so immersed in the Russian language that when the U.S. ambassador visited him he struggled to find words in English.
Question. It is an obvious question, but in your case unavoidable. How are you?
Answer. Very well. It took me about the same time I was in [prison] to get back to life. The beginning was quite difficult. I saw a psychiatrist who specializes in post-traumatic stress disorder. I had certain symptoms. I had difficulty sleeping. Certain things might trigger me. Short temper, a fuse, that kind of thing. But with time, it’s getting better. Writing the book also helped—it’s therapy in a way too: you’re looking at an event, staring at it straight on, processing it. At first the hardest part is realizing you’ve forgotten what normal felt like. You don’t feel well and it’s really hard to remember what normal is because it’s not like in normal life you always feel good. You’re searching for what normal is and that takes a long time. But I’m doing really well.
Q. In the book you provide many details about what happened to you, but you don’t explain how it affected you. How have those 491 days in prison changed your relationship with Russia and your work as a journalist?
A. Actually, nothing’s really changed. I feel like the same exact person. I think my relationship to journalism hasn’t changed whatsoever, and my relationship to Russia hasn’t changed at all. The last time they’d taken a foreign correspondent hostage on fabricated espionage charges was 40 years before that under the Soviet Union. We didn’t think something like this would happen. But that hasn’t changed my view of the country. The Russian state was already on a certain path.
Q. It’s striking how you describe your time in prison in quite a positive way. You talk about the camaraderie you found there and recount genuinely funny moments, like when you cook and say it reminds you of the film Goodfellas. Have you considered whether you experienced something like Stockholm syndrome?
A. No, definitely not. The thing that I tried to describe is how I was treated compared to others. It’s something that recurs in Russia’s history: they are very careful about who they torture and mangle and murder. Ukrainian journalist Victoria Roshchina was captured in occupied territory, taken to Russia and murdered. She was sent back to her family without any teeth in a body bag. So that’s just the reality of it. I tried to describe the experience as accurately as possible. It is not pleasant to be in a tiny room with another person and not be able to leave. The conditions were good compared with other prisoners, but the Russian prison system is very harsh. I describe the panic attacks I suffered. But you get used to things. Humans are incredibly adaptable.
Q. Aside from the conditions, your account of the experience seems fairly optimistic. At one point you say it helped you deepen your understanding of Russia.
A. What I tried to convey in the book is that they didn’t break me as a human being; they didn’t torture me or make my life miserable. If those things had happened, the book would be different. As for my relationship with Russia, the book describes a big bad Russian state that is torturing and maiming Ukrainians, that started imperialistic wars that it shouldn’t have started. But at the same time, I am Russian. I’m not gonna go write off an entire people and say, look at this horrible group of people. I belong to them as well. It would be ridiculous for me, after being arrested, to say that I hate Russians; that would be self-hating. When you read a Gulag memoir, it can be the most miserable experience in human existence and then at the same time be decent: people bake birthday cakes, write poetry, fall in love and form families in the Gulags. Compared with that, my experience was like a five-star resort.
Q. Why do you think you coped well with the experience?
A. For several reasons. First, I’m from a Russian background, so I speak the language; I knew I could communicate with inmates, guards and FSB investigators [the Russian intelligence agency]. Also, I’m blessed with a sense of humor. That’s really lucky and important because if you take everything really seriously all the time, you’re not going to handle it well. Finally, I had worked as a reporter in Russia for five and a half years before, so I knew the system. When I went to court, I wasn’t shocked that the judge wasn’t listening to rational arguments—something that, for example, wouldn’t happen to a tourist who is set up and framed with drugs. From the start I had no expectation of receiving a fair trial.
Q. You say you were treated better because they knew you would one day be released and write this book.
A. Yes, because I would be writing about it. I assume that’s why they weren’t stringing me up by my feet and electrocuting me. But also because they knew that detaining a foreign correspondent from The Wall Street Journal would provoke a huge worldwide uproar, something they needed to pressure for a prisoner swap.
Q. What degree of responsibility do you see in Russian society, which remains inert in the face of the war in Ukraine?
A. It’s really hard to do polling in Russia. We can try as best we can but it seems to me it’s sort of like 15 percent are really for the war, 15 percent are really against the war, and then 70 percent are just sort of ‘please leave me alone.’ It’s a society that never catches a break: it’s the Tsarist period, it’s the Soviet period, and we have a little blip in the 90s, and now Putin’s here, and he’s been here for 26 years. From the outside, it’s easy to say they are complicit or that they’re not rising up and stopping what’s happening. But they face the risk of ending up in prison. Like a historian I know, sentenced to eight years for writing about war crimes in Bucha. The logical reaction, if you want to preserve something like a normal life, is to keep your head down.
Q. Opposition leader Alexei Navalny was expected to be part of the prisoner swap that freed you, but six months earlier he was killed in a Siberian prison. Do you think Putin never intended to free him?
A. There was a lot of debate—people saying the swap should have been carried out more quickly so perhaps he would still be alive. It’s impossible to know for sure, but I think they would have killed him anyway. I think his death sentence was basically written.
Q. For posing a danger to the regime.
A. I don’t know if he truly was a danger, but I think they clearly saw it that way. Why would they kill him otherwise?
Q. How did you experience the moral debate surrounding the swap?
A. I fully understand the debate. Each country approaches this issue differently. The United States has considered since the time of Thomas Jefferson, in the early 19th century, that every U.S. citizen is as important as every other U.S. citizen, and we will do everything in our power to get them back.
Q. But by becoming a bargaining chip, it creates incentives to capture more people to be used in future swaps.
A. That’s true. And the Russians are smart. The swap happened the way they wanted it to. They got their guy [Vadim Krasikov] back from Germany who killed a person on a state-assigned mission. And they got away with it in the sense that there was no sanctions imposed on them. You feel guilty that the person is free because of you. But I see two aspects. First, I’m glad we have that policy because thanks to it I’m free. And second, I agree with the idea behind it. It’s positive that journalists, opponents and human rights activists are free. It’s a statement of principles in a world where we’re shifting away from liberal and free values, and where an autocratic axis is emerging. It’s something to be proud of.
Q. In the book you say that when you returned to Washington and wanted to meet some officials, they were afraid of being seen with you amid the cuts led by Elon Musk. You suggest that reminded you of things you experienced in Russia. Do you see a parallel with the administration of Donald Trump?
A. I think there are more similarities with Viktor Orbán’s Hungary than with Russia. I was frightened when Trump called the FBI directly to investigate alleged voter fraud in Georgia in 2020. Calling a national intelligence agency and ordering it to do something is dangerous. You see some parallelisms, but I think it’s too simplistic and crude to say, ‘oh, it’s like Russia.’ You need to analyze how certain countries become more authoritarian. We should not look at just big bad Russia, but also what lessons we can learn for ourselves about how institutions function.
Q. You have followed him for years—what do you think is Putin’s true driving force?
A. I think what’s moved him at different points has been very different, but I think it’s more interesting to think about what moves him now. What drives him now, at 73 and after 26 years in power, is his desire to see himself in the pantheon of Russian leaders and in history. He thinks in terms of empire and trying to expand the empire. He didn’t use to be this way in the first four or eight years. He would talk about Russia’s security and Russia’s interests. One of my favorite quotes was spoken by Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov. When asked how Putin could have planned the war without much of the Russian establishment knowing, he replied: ‘He has three advisors: Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great and Catherine the Great.’
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Christa Pike, 50, has been hospitalized for almost a week after receiving two injections that allegedly contained lethal pentobarbital. On Tuesday, her lawyers said she had regained consciousness and speech, though her prognosis remains uncertain. The state of Tennessee had attempted to execute her for the 1995 murder of a fellow student, but Pike survived and was taken to hospital. If she stabilizes and is discharged, the state could send her back to death row and try to execute her again.
There is still no official account of what happened last Wednesday afternoon when the execution was briefly halted before the Supreme Court authorized it hours later, but experts say the pentobarbital may have leaked into the tissues around the vein, causing injuries that authorities have not yet confirmed. Because of what occurred during the failed execution, and the medical care required to save her life, Pike’s case raises ethical dilemmas about the obligations of the doctors and caregivers treating her and about the state’s responsibility for her condition.
Dr. Arthur Caplan, a bioethics expert and emeritus professor of medicine at New York University, says there is “no place for doctors, nurses, or any health worker in executions.” “That violates their oath not to cause harm. An execution is not intended to benefit the person,” he adds.
Caplan argues that even when a doctor’s presence at an execution is presented as a way to reduce suffering, there is a boundary between punishment and medicine. “Doctors have no role in executions. Even when someone says, ‘Well, if better-prepared doctors had been present, this execution wouldn’t have gone wrong’ — you don’t need doctors, you need better-trained executioners,” he says.
“Some argue that in parts of the world doctors help terminally ill people end their lives. But remember that is meant to relieve the suffering of someone who is dying. The patient is the focus. An execution is something the judicial system seeks to carry out,” Caplan explains.
Pike was sentenced to death 30 years ago for the murder of Colleen Slemmer, a 19-year-old fellow student, when Pike was 18. On September 30, after last-minute appeals that delayed the execution for several hours, she was given two injections of pentobarbital and, because she remained alive, was taken to a Nashville hospital. Over the weekend, her lawyers said she was unconscious and on a ventilator.
Caplan says the question of who legally represents a person who cannot communicate is fundamental. If there is no designated decision-maker to represent and defend her interests, a court must appoint someone. “I don’t think it should be the state of Tennessee, the prison warden, or any official involved in the execution attempt” who decides what care she should receive, he argues.
“Another question is who is in charge of her care. Doctors, absent other instructions, will try to improve her condition. But she may have a mother or other relative who wants to intervene and say, ‘I don’t want that. Let her die. She will be left with disabilities and I don’t think she would want to live like that,’” the expert adds.
Stephen Ferrell, one of Pike’s defense lawyers, said Pike signed a power of attorney naming someone else to make her medical decisions, according to The Associated Press.
The dilemma has precedents in cases of inmates with mental illnesses who do not understand they will be executed, Caplan notes. “Doctors have encountered situations where psychiatrists and psychologists treat someone on death row who has severe schizophrenia or many other mental health issues, and some have refused to restore that person’s competence to be executed so they cannot be put to death,” he explains.
Until the extent of Pike’s injuries — both physical and cognitive — after the failed execution is clear, it will not be known whether the defense will raise this kind of argument. It is also not yet known what steps the state of Tennessee will take in Pike’s case.
“Lending the prestige of medicine to execution”
The American Medical Association has declared it ethically incompatible for a physician to participate in a legally authorized execution because the profession is “dedicated to preserving life when there is hope of doing so.”
Caplan says the presence of healthcare personnel amounts to “lending the prestige of medicine to the execution,” giving the impression that “it is more humane because it is supervised by doctors.”
However, the presence of doctors does not by itself guarantee humane treatment. “We know that throughout history there have been doctors who participated in torture. The presence of doctors does not make things better,” he says.
Dr. Joel Zivot, an anesthesiologist and critical care physician who advised Pike’s lawyers, wrote in an essay in The New York Times over the weekend that authorities have “tried to make executions appear like medicine,” with stretchers, intravenous lines and cardiac monitors, but that it is a “sinister impersonation of the medical profession” without consent or therapeutic purpose.
The Tennessee Department of Correction has said that all protocol steps were followed.
“We have laws, judges and courts so society does not descend to the level of brutality of its criminals,” Caplan adds. “We try to set punishments that have a rationale and objectives, such as rehabilitation, deterrence — preventing others from doing what she did — or, in some cases, retribution, that you will pay for what you have done. But we also try to remain, so to speak, civilized and mindful of the ethical need for punishment not to reproduce the same cruelty as that of the criminals.” Pike’s case shows that this is not always achieved.
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President Donald Trump said it without weighing the possible electoral consequences for Republican candidates in California, less than a month before the midterm elections. Far from generating laughter or support for his war with Iran, his comments have raised concern and could affect the vote in a state governed by Democrats since 2011. During a rally in Nebraska on Monday, the president said Iran could “take out” Los Angeles or San Diego, two of the largest cities in the United States, calling it a “small price” to pay to eliminate what he says is the threat posed by the Iranian regime.
As part of his campaign tour across the country to support Republican candidates —generally in places where a Republican victory is more likely, since in tighter races Trump could be more a liability than a boost— the president moved awkwardly from urging turnout in the midterms on November 3 to talking about war with Iran and the “small price” it represents “to keep the world safe.”
Polls show it will be difficult for Republicans to hold narrow control of both chambers of Congress, and Trump’s Nebraska speech seems unlikely to help them. “They could take out a city. Let them take — Let them take out Los Angeles. Let them take out San Diego. That’s — this is a very small price to pay, and it’s going to be over with very soon. It’s essentially almost over with,” Trump said of a war that has stretched for more than seven months without any clear signs of ending.
There is a fairly recent precedent for the threat Iran could pose to California. In March, Californians were alarmed after a report from the Federal Bureau of Investigation warned that the Iranian regime might be planning drone attacks against the state in retaliation for U.S. military actions on its territory. Both the federal government and Governor Gavin Newsom then said there was no imminent threat to California.
Trump’s recent remarks also appeared framed by rising oil prices and, consequently, higher gasoline and other fuel costs in the United States, driven by the conflict in a region crucial to crude transport. That “small price” Californians are paying, in particular, is actually very high: this week a gallon of gasoline sold for $6.37 —and in some places even $9— about 46% above the national average, according to AAA. The difficult economic situation, with the cost of living, health insurance and housing at the forefront, is voters’ top concern, according to various polls.
Ballots began arriving this week in the mailboxes of thousands of Californians.
“It complicates their campaigns”
Miguel Tinker Salas, professor emeritus of History and Chicano Studies at Pomona College east of Los Angeles, says Trump’s comments could have consequences for Republican candidates in California before the polls close. “It complicates their campaigns; it makes the political landscape harder for them,” the professor says.
In California, Republican hopefuls are running for governor, the state attorney general’s office and other key positions, as well as seats in the House of Representatives. For many of them it is an uphill race in a Democratic stronghold, and even more so after the recent redistricting pushed by Governor Gavin Newsom to favor his party’s contenders, part of a nationwide battle. In that context, Tinker Salas believes Trump’s Nebraska remarks will end up hurting his own candidates.
One of those most affected may be Steve Hilton, a British-born former political strategist for David Cameron’s Conservative Party before Brexit who became a conservative commentator on Fox News, and is now the Republican candidate for governor. So far, Hilton has not commented on the controversy. Since Arnold Schwarzenegger left office after two consecutive terms from 2003 to 2011, no other Republican has won that post.
“California hasn’t elected a Republican in many years. There was an opening with Hilton, in a way, because he was not only the opposition candidate but the anti-establishment opponent who had committed many failures. But as the campaign has unfolded he has lost support, and his closeness to Trump increases that loss,” Tinker Salas said.
Trump is very present in the race. He has officially endorsed Hilton, and a network of donors aligned with the president, from various parts of the country, continues to funnel resources into his campaign. The president’s strategy is not limited to the governorship: at the Republican convention ahead of the midterms he even said people should vote as if his name were on the ballot and promised a $5,000 payment to all American adults if his party retains control of the House of Representatives.
Hilton’s disadvantage
Hilton has fallen behind in the polls. One of the most recent surveys, conducted by the Institute of Governmental Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, shows the Democratic candidate, Xavier Becerra, has increased his lead: 58% of respondents said they would vote for him, compared with 33% who favored the Republican. The gap widened by seven percentage points from the previous measurement.
In that same poll, about 44% said their main concern was “reducing the cost of living,” while 37% identified “fighting the policies of the Trump administration” as their priority. Not even polls commissioned by Hilton’s campaign work in his favor. The latest, published this week, puts Becerra six points ahead: 45.7% to Hilton’s 40.1%.
Becerra has joined Democratic leaders —including Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass and San Diego Mayor Todd Gloria— in criticizing Trump’s remarks. “Thirteen million Californians call LA and San Diego counties home. Their lives are not a ‘small price to pay’ or a punchline for Donald Trump,” he wrote Monday night on his X account. Responses to the post were divided.
Thirteen million Californians call LA and San Diego counties home. Their lives are not a “small price to pay” or a punchline for Donald Trump. https://t.co/TG23f6b5XF
Some users commented under the post that California Republicans who once voted for Trump may now be “disappointed.” Others downplayed the president’s words, calling them a “joke,” and argued that a doctored video of the Nebraska rally was being spread. The latter reflects voters’ sometimes selective distrust of what they see on social media.
The president’s remarks also drew no laughter from Governor Gavin Newsom, one of the Democrats who most often confronts him and who is about to leave office after two consecutive terms, and is being discussed as a possible presidential candidate in 2028. Newsom called the president “deranged and dangerous” and said he had even ordered the State Threat Assessment Center to actively monitor the situation “in case foreign actors interpret the president’s remarks as an invitation to attack California.”
Professor Tinker Salas was also troubled by the crowd’s reaction during Trump’s rally. After the president said Iran “could take out a city,” some attendees responded with a “yesss.” Others applauded when he added that the targets could be Los Angeles or San Diego.
“It reflects a cynical attitude, it reflects information manipulation. But what is most worrying is how the message was received by the people behind Trump,” the professor says. “You can expect any foolishness from Trump, but people applauded. We are in a critical situation regarding the social fabric of this country.”
Reported by Patricia Vélez Santiago.
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Youths across the country have been called out for a day of demonstrations to protest the decline of the education system, the lack of opportunities, and teachers’ pay