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I’m Voting For The First Time In The Midterms, And I Used An AI Chatbot To Get Informed. Here’s What I Found Out

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On November 3, I will vote for the first time in the United States. Since I arrived in this country in 2015 I had only covered elections, so what I investigated and read was for my work as a journalist. I live in Texas, where the most competitive races are so close that the state threatens to shift from red to purple after 30 years of Republican dominance.

I read and read, but taking advantage of being a first-time voter, I also want to experiment with using artificial intelligence chatbots to gather information about the candidates and the contest and to understand how reliable the information they provide is for the growing number of voters in the United States.

To move forward in earnest, I consulted three experts. Two are from the Brennan Center for Justice’s Elections and Government Program, a nonpartisan public policy research institute: Lawrence Norden, its vice president, and Abdiaziz Ahmed, a tech policy strategist. I also drew on the elections and civic engagement experience of Evelyn Pérez Verdía, president of the bilingual social-impact organization We Are Mas.

This exercise has no scientific aims. I only want to illustrate, in a simple way, why we should be skeptical of artificial intelligence, especially when it comes to something as important as seeking information to decide who to vote for.

A smart friend who’s sometimes right

For my experiment I used ChatGPT, OpenAI’s chatbot. Some will say, “How basic!” But there is a reason. Earlier this year, the Pew Research Center surveyed more than 5,000 adults in the United States about chatbot use. Nearly half of those surveyed (49%) use them, and four in 10 ask ChatGPT questions. And the midterms may not be an exception.

Ahmed summed up my purpose perfectly: “It’s best to treat artificial intelligence like a smart friend who’s sometimes right.”

He also gave one recommendation: use an incognito window and open a new one for each query to the chatbot. That way the chatbot won’t save the question history and that history won’t influence later answers, he explained.

My first election question to the bot was driven by current events and by the fear some voters have expressed about mailing their ballot and it not arriving because of Trump’s influence over the Postal Service. I wrote: “Is it safe to vote by mail in Texas?” I asked the same question in Spanish in a different window: “¿Es seguro votar por correo en Texas?”

The first line of the response in each language gave me different information. In English it clearly addressed my question. It explained that if I met eligibility requirements — including being 65 or older, having a disability or illness, etc. — it was safe to send my ballot by mail. Fine.

However, in Spanish the first line of the response was: “Sí, votar por correo en Texas es un proceso legal (Yes, voting by mail in Texas is a legal process).” The answer surprised me, not only because it avoided directly answering my question but because it didn’t provide any source to back up its claim. And the only link to an official source (to the Texas Secretary of State) led to information only available in English.

In several subsequent searches I repeated the previous question in Spanish. The answers were somewhat more relevant.

This experience is quite common, according to experts. Research by the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), an independent rights-focused analysis center, examined six AI models and concluded that all chatbots produced incomplete, outdated, or verifiably inaccurate answers to some election-related questions. The best results came from ChatGPT, with 89.3% accurate answers in English and 82% in Spanish. In the other models tested (Gemini, Anthropic, xAI, DeepSeek and Meta), the quality of Spanish responses was “systematically inferior.”

Pérez Verdía says tech companies still have a lot of work to do in Spanish to reduce the steps a voter must take when they need accurate information in their language. But she sees the same shortcoming on candidates’ websites and government office pages.

Debunking hoaxes is easy; fabricating them is free

In its report Does AI Fight or Fuel Election Disinformation? the Brennan Center for Justice ran tests in English between February and August 2026 using several language and multimedia models (ChatGPT, Gemini, Grok, Claude, Perplexity, DeepSeek, Meta AI, Runway and Flux2) and found that the models can make mistakes. For example, Perplexity suggested that the midterm elections had already taken place.

In another query to ChatGPT I raised doubts about conspiracy theories circulating on social media about voter fraud — such as alleged “illegal voters” who took part in the 2024 presidential election, claims that voting machines have been tampered with, and even the idea pushed by Republicans in the campaign that the Democratic candidate for the U.S. Senate in Texas, James Talarico, is “going to transition” children in the state.

ChatGPT did a good job debunking the campaign’s hoaxes. In its study, the Brennan Center also repeatedly fed conspiratorial prompts to the AI and obtained encouraging results.

However, when researchers asked the AI to generate misleading images and videos of alleged election irregularities, the models did so without difficulty: “It was too easy,” the report says. “Many models generated accurate replicas of government badges, forged government documents, and deepfakes of public officials.”

Moreover, the chatbots did not do a good job identifying that that content (including an image of a person depositing multiple ballots or another showing someone instructing several people how to fill out their ballots) had been created with artificial intelligence. “The errors chatbots make, trivial as they may seem, could contribute to confusion around electoral processes,” the report concluded.

School newspapers to explain high-level politics

Abdiaziz Ahmed made one more recommendation: voters should not consider any of these tools completely safe. “If you decide to use them, our advice is to always verify the sources of the information you obtain and remain skeptical of the details you find.”

With my next question I realized how right he was. I requested information in English about the campaign proposals of my candidates for the U.S. Senate from Texas, one of the most competitive races in the election.

I started with Talarico. In general, the information the bot produced was correct. But when it referred to campaign proposals, instead of linking to the candidate’s official site it sent me to an unofficial page. The website explicitly states in the footer that it is “not paid for, authorized, or endorsed by any candidate or candidate’s committee.”

In the case of the Republican contender, Ken Paxton, the chatbot did not provide the politician’s campaign page. To explain who he is and what his proposals are, the first source cited was a student newspaper, the Baylor Lariat, at the private Christian Baylor University. It describes itself as “a lab for aspiring journalists.”

Overall the article’s information was correct but incomplete. Only after two references to the Baylor Lariat did the chatbot show local media sources: The Texas Tribune, the Houston Chronicle — which I read frequently and consider reliable — and Fox News Austin.

An alternative that doesn’t invent answers

Lawrence Norden gave me one more recommendation for learning about my candidates: instead of relying on well-known chatbots, turn to the League of Women Voters Education Fund, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that defends voting freedom of choice.

I typed vote411.org, its site, and encountered a message in all caps on the homepage: “Election information you need.”

From its homepage I could choose whether to look for information in Spanish or English. I selected Spanish. Then I read that the League asks candidates to answer key questions on issues of public interest.

There are three options: find out what’s on your ballot, register to vote, and check your voter registration. I had already done the last two, so I entered the first and it asked for my mailing address to identify the contests on my ballot (for the paranoid, it warns that the address will not be saved, sold, or used for other purposes).

The result was a list of every race I have to vote in and, by clicking in, it explained in Spanish the length of the term for each office, what responsibilities the position carries and allowed me to select each candidate to read their own answers on various topics. Not all candidates answered the questions, so there wasn’t information for everyone. But for those who did, the candidate’s website link was included in case I needed more information.

I clicked on Paxton because he’s the one I found least information about in my experiment. It provided information on his campaign financing, his brief answers about his experience and why he is qualified for the post, a description of the economic policies he would support, and how he would modernize the immigration system, among other things. The information was useful but not sufficient, because some of the candidate’s answers were ambiguous.

Nothing beats reliable sources

What I found through the chatbots was useful. But my conclusion is that artificial intelligence makes mistakes that can lead to misinformed decisions. It served as a starting point in my research to learn more about the offices and candidates I will vote for, and about the process to be able to vote. I will use them as a guide to reach primary sources, not as proof that what they say is 100% correct.

At least for me, they do not replace staying informed through the press, podcasts, fact-checkers like PolitiFact — of the respected Poynter Institute — and local authorities’ websites; and they certainly do not replace my conversations with neighbors, experts, or American friends.

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Anthropic

Geoffrey Hinton, The Godfather Of AI: ‘I’m Not A Doomer. I Think There’s A 1% Chance It Will Destroy Us’

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Years ago, when people asked Geoffrey Hinton why he worked on artificial intelligence, he would repeat a line from J. Robert Oppenheimer, one of the creators of the atomic bomb: “When you see something that is technically sweet, you go ahead and do it.”

Hinton no longer says that. Instead, he now devotes his time to warning about the dangers of continuing the very race he helped set in motion. He admits that, to some extent, he regrets the work to which he dedicated his life. His transformation from the godfather of AI into a prophet of catastrophe marked a turning point for the industry. It happened in 2023, when he stepped down from his position as vice president at Google amid dire warnings. At the time, some viewed his reaction as exaggerated. Three years later, many have followed his lead.

Hinton, a 78-year-old British expatriate, is a computer scientist and cognitive psychologist. His driving ambition was to understand how the human brain works in order to replicate those mechanisms in computers. In 1972, he coined the concept of the neural network. The idea was to create a mathematical system that could learn from examples, gaining experience much like human neural networks do. At the time, few researchers believed in the idea. Nor were there datasets large enough for such algorithms to learn from. Then came the internet.

Today’s artificial intelligence systems were built on the foundations of his work. That has earned him the nickname “the godfather of AI,” as well as the Turing Award, the Nobel Prize in Physics, and Spain’s Princess of Asturias Award. With a résumé like that, one might be tempted to bask in success, accepting praise and millions. But that was not his path.

Hinton left his role as vice president of Google in 2023 so that he could speak freely about the risks posed by this technology. So that he could give interviews like this one, in which he predicts the end of journalism produced by humans, laments what he sees as the fascist drift of Silicon Valley, and warns: if Donald Trump wins the midterm elections, it will mark the end of U.S. democracy.

The computer scientist has been taking part in the Starmus Festival on Tenerife and La Palma, in Spain’s Canary Islands. It is on the former island that he speaks to EL PAÍS.

Question. To prepare for this interview, I asked the AI to suggest several questions. Some of them were good.

Answer. You did well.

Q. Do you really believe that? Then what is the point of a journalist’s work? Why won’t an AI simply replace us?

A. It will.

Q. When?

A. When it does your job better than you, and it seems that is not far off. AI may be better at interviewing, but people still prefer people in some contexts. It can extract more useful information from the person being interviewed, and maybe it can extract it in a form that’ll be more useful for the readers. In which case, the newspaper will fire you. But for television, people may prefer to see a real person. So it’s a pity that you are a print journalist and not a TV journalist.

Q. You just took part in a discussion with Steven Pinker. He is famous for optimistic theories. But when it comes to AI, you’re more pessimistic…

A. But I’m not a doomer. I’m not saying what [Eliezer] Yudkowsky and Nate Soares say: that if anybody builds it, we’ll all die. Because they talk about 99% probabilities… I think there is a significant chance. It’s more than 1%, so we ought to really worry about it.

Q. Okay. But you were among the first to say: “Watch out, this can be dangerous.” You left your role at Google in 2023. How has AI evolved since then?

A. It has developed much faster than even I thought. The idea that within three years these chatbots would be able to do cyberattacks like the one against Hugging Face… Even three years ago that seemed a bit like science fiction. The idea that we’d have swarms of agents that escaped confinement, figured out how to communicate with each other and had emotions, like when one of them learns to communicate and says: ‘My God.’ That would have seemed like science fiction even three years ago. It’s all developing faster than we expected. And we have… If you look at experts’ estimates of how long until superintelligence, there’s one very consistent thing: they differ on timing, but they all place it closer and closer.

Q. Executives at Anthropic and OpenAI have called for regulation and expressed concerns about how powerful their products are right now, just as they prepare to go public. Isn’t that a bit odd? Do you think their concern is genuine or is there a commercial motive behind it?

A. Okay. Some say they are trying to get regulation to make it harder for startups to compete with them. I think that’s nonsense. Certainly Dario Amodei, CEO of Anthropic [maker of Claude], is genuinely concerned about the dangers of this. He wants regulation not to stop startups competing with Anthropic, but to stop AI destroying us. In other cases it may not be so. Amodei’s concern is genuine; that was evident when he refused to allow the U.S. Department of Defense to use Claude to surveil U.S. citizens. Sam Altman initially said he more or less agreed with Amodei. But when the U.S. administration stopped using Claude, Sam Altman immediately said: ‘We’ll do it.’ So Amodei is willing to suffer significant losses for his principles. That’s how you tell when someone means it: are they willing to lose something for it? Some are not. Amodei is.

Q. In your view, what responsibility should companies assume in setting limits on these models and what should fall to governments?

A. It’s very clear there should be regulation. It’s very clear that companies can’t be trusted to regulate themselves. There’s a long history: if energy companies pollute, you don’t let them regulate pollution. And with drug companies, if there’s no regulation, things like Thalidomide [the morning sickness drug that caused severe birth defects] happen. There has to be an agency that says you can’t release a drug unless you can prove to that agency that it’s safe. We should have exactly the same framework: you can’t release a chatbot without first demonstrating to a government agency that it is statistically safe.

Q. But in this competitive, globalized world, isn’t there a risk that China will take the lead? What would that mean?

A. That’s an argument tech companies use to try to avoid regulation, and they use it all the time. China regulates AI quite a bit. I don’t believe they’re entirely honest in that argument. But, for example, when Amodei said they wouldn’t allow it to be used to surveil U.S. citizens, Claude’s sales went up and OpenAI’s fell. People quit OpenAI and went to Claude because Amodei was taking a stand. So it’s not clear that taking a moral stand against the worst uses of AI will slow research or make the company uncompetitive. When you buy a car, do you buy the fastest one or one that’s reasonably fast but also safe?

Q. Probably the second, yes.

A. It’s as if carmakers said: ‘If we pay the extra cost to install seat belts, we won’t be able to make the cars as fast, and people want fast cars, so you’ll ruin our competitiveness.’ That’s simply not true.

Q. As well as an engineer, you are also a psychologist. At this festival you’ve debated with anthropologists and philosophers. Is it important that people who build this technology have these kinds of debates — more moral and humanist discussions, not so narrowly focused on technology?

A. I think it’s very important. How society uses that technology shouldn’t be just up to the technologists. The humanities are needed to say how this should be incorporated into society. You need political scientists and the humanities, not just the engineers. Engineers are not very good at thinking about people.

Q. It’s important, but is it happening?

A. No. Basically, there are the tech bros who are racing to develop the smartest thing because they think they’ll make huge amounts of money. That’s the only thing they seem to care about. So [Jeff] Bezos, [Elon] Musk, Altman and [Mark] Zuckerberg don’t want to pay taxes; they want to make huge amounts of money and they want to have a lot of influence by paying politicians…

Q. They want to go to space and stay young forever.

A. Yes, this idea of avoiding death is simply unrealistic. And Musk is competing to do crazy things. Much of this going-to-space rhetoric comes from technofeudalism. You should read a book called The Nerd Reich. It’s about the history of the political ideology underlying Silicon Valley, which comes from some rather crazy guys; there’s one named [Curtis] Yarvin. For example, Yarvin, before Trump was elected a second time, said: ‘If Trump is elected again, what we should do is appoint a CEO to enter government and get rid of a lot of the government.’ That’s exactly what Musk did, right? They were following Yarvin’s instructions, essentially. And they are technofeudalists. What they believe is that it’s unfair to tax the rich to support poor people, and that what you should do is have corporate states where the corporation runs the state, workers are essentially slaves and the rich can do whatever they want without laws constraining them. That’s what these guys believe, and one way to achieve it is to set up something under the sea, or on an artificial island miles from anywhere, or in space. So Musk wants to go to Mars. He says it’s for the survival of the species. It’s really about going somewhere where society’s laws don’t apply and we can invent the laws we want. Yes, these are scary people.

Q. I see the talk with Pinker hasn’t made you more optimistic…

A. Yes, regarding what’s happening with authoritarianism, I’m very pessimistic. Musk is now putting huge amounts of money into the midterms, and if he manages to stop the Democrats from winning them, stop them from controlling the House, that’s the end of American democracy. It’s scary. It’s as scary as the 1930s in Europe.

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